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At last you can read 



CANCER 
CUB^E 
THAT 



FIFTY YEARS OF 
SUPPRESSION 



U 



Written by BARRY LYNES 

A fascinating account" — Alan Cantwell, M.D. 
Masterpiece of journalism" — Roy KupsineL M.D. 
This book is superb" — Florence B. Seibert. Ph.D. 




Written by 
BARRY LYMES 



Copyright © Barry Lynes 1987 

All rights reserved. The use of any part of this 
publication reproduced, transmitted in any form or by 

any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, 
recording or otherwise, or stored in a retrieval system, 
without the prior written consent of the publisher, is an 
infringement of the copyright law. 

First printing March 1987 
Second printing January 1989 

Third printing August 1989 
Fourth printing April 1992 
Fifth printing August 1994 

Sixth printing October 1997 

Published in Canada by Marcus Books, 
P.O.Box 327, Queensville, Ontario, 
Canada LOG IRO. (905)-#f«=aiei-e £ / 
Fax (905) 478-8338 ' ' 

Cover designed by Doris Diehl 



ISBN 0-919951-30-9 



The health of the people is really the foundation upon which 
all their happiness and all their powers as a State depend. 

Benjamin Disraeli 
Truth will come to light; murder cannot be hid. 



Shakespeare 



CONTENTS 

The People Who Made This Book 1 

Foreword 3 

Author's warning 12 

Chapter IT) The Cure for Cancer 13 

Chapter 2: Bacteria and Virus 17 

Chapter 3: Medicine in America 27 



Chapter 4: The Man Who Found the Cure for Cancer 33 



Chapters: The 1920s 37 

Chapter 6: The Early 1930s 41 

Chapter 7: "BX" - The Virus of Cancer 49 

Chapter 8: Forward Motion: 1933-1934 53 

Chapter 9: The Cancer Cure Works! 59 

Chapter 10: 1935: Climbing A Mountain 67 

Chapter 1 1 : 1936: "Astounding" Clinic Results 75 

Chapter 12: 1937: Money Woes and Delays 81 

Chapter 13: 1938: Beam Ray 87 

Chapter 14: 1939: The Storm Breaks 91 



Chapter 15: The Microscope and the Freq. Instrument 101 

Chapter 16: '46-'86: Rife's Theory Gains Acceptance 109 

Chapter 17: The Victims 121 

Chapter 18: Clarifications and Explanations 123 
Chapter 1 9: How the Legal System Was Corrupted to 



Suppress Rife's Cancer Cure 127 

Selected Bibliography 137 

Appendices 141 

Beware of Exploiters! 168 



The People Who Made This Book 



Royal R. Rife, bom in 1888, was one of the greatest scien- 
tific geniuses of the 20th century. He began researching a cure 
for cancer in 1920, and by 1932 he had isolated the cancer 
virus. He learned how to destroy it in laboratory cultures and 
went on to cure cancer in animals. In 1934, he opened a clinic 
which successfully cured 16 of 16 cases within three months 
time. Working with some of the most respected researchers in 
America along with leading doctors from Southern California, 
he electronically destroyed the cancer virus in patients, allow- 
ing their own immune systems to restore health. A Special 
Research Committee of the University of Southern California 
oversaw the laboratory research and the experimental treat- 
ments until the end of the 1930s. Follow-up clinics conducted 
in 1935, 1936 and 1937 by the head of the U.S.C. Medical 
Committee verified the results of the 1934 clinic. Independent 
physicians utilizing the equipment successfully treated as 
many as 40 people per day during these years. In addition to 
curing cancer and other deadly diseases, degenerative condi- 
tions such as cataracts were reversed. Rife had been able to 
determine the precise electrical frequency which destroyed 
individual micro-organisms responsible for cancer, herpes, 
tuberculosis, and other illnesses. His work was described in 
Science magazine, medical journals, and later the Smithsonian 
Institution's annual report. 

Unfortunately, Rife's scientific theories and method of 
treatment conflicted with orthodox views. His work was 
stopped and both the research and the treatments were forced 
underground. Doctors secretly continued curing cancer 
patients for 22 years after the original success of the 1934 



1 



clinic, but always with opposition from medical and gov- 
ernmental authorities. However, from 1950 to the mid- 1980s, 
a number of research scientists, working independently, have 
slowly been verifying the scientific principles upon which 
Rife's clinical cures of the 1930s were based. A body of 
recognized scientific evidence now overwhelmingly supports 
the original cancer theories articulated and demonstrated by 
Rife 50 years ago. This includes modem AIDS researchers. 

In the 1950s, John Crane— engineer, machinist, laboratory 
analyst, health researcher and inventor— became Rife's part- 
ner. Crane, bom in 1915, worked at Rife's side from 1950 
until Rife's death in 1971 . During this time, he learned all the 
secrets of Rife's cancer cure ... and all the details of its 
suppression. Together, the two men designed and constructed 
new and better equipment, and managed to interest a new 
generation of doctors in the possibilities of a genuine, lastiiig 
and painless cancer cure. And again the authorities struck. 
Crane was jailed, equipment was smashed, records vvere 
destroyed. Again the motives driving on the forces of suppres- 
sion were the same. By sharing the long hidden facts, a.s well 
as thousands of documents preserved from the 1930s, Crane 
has enabled the full story to be told. 

Author Barry Lymes, bom in 1942, is an investigative re- 
porter who lives in California. His areas of research, articles 
and books include economic theory, climate changes, history, 
U.S.-Soviet relations and alternative health treatments. In 
early 1986, he became acquainted with John Crane and heard 
the 'entire Rife story first-hand. Initially skeptical, Lynes 
changed his mind after examining the wealth of documents in 
Crane's possession. Outraged by the injustices that had de- 
stroyed Rife's work, Lynes decided to reveal in book form 
what had happened. 

You hold the result in your hands. 



2 



Foreword 



Quantum theory has shown the impossibility of separating 
the observer from the observed. Proponents of the classical 
scientific method find this a bitter pill, and little or nothing 
has been done in a practical way to apply this phenomenon in 
the everyday practice of science. 

This state of affairs is perhaps not surprising. The practice 
of science continues to be plagued by an oversimplified model 
of human sight-perception. Much scientific controversy, as 
well as ongoing prejudice against new discoveries, can be 
traced to the false assumption that sight follows some uniform 
law of nature. In fact, diversity is the natural law of human 
sight, an example of diversity within species. This law cannot 
be changed. However, it can be understood, and its properties 
defined with sufficient clarity and emphasis to vastly improve 
both the interpretation of perceptions and the exercise of ethi- 
cal practices in scientific research. 

From individual to individual all of the five senses are quan - 
titatively unequal. For example, some of us cannot see without 
eye glasses, or hear without a hearing aid, taste subtle flavors , 
smell a rose or feel fine textures. Further, the quality of the 
senses varies with the nature of acquired knowledge or experi- 
ence of the individual. Relatively, sight contributes more than 
any of the other senses to our awareness of the world, our 
being, our consciousness. The eye-mind circuit is itself a vari- 
able. A psychologist, studying brain-damaged individuals 
found a man who thought his wife was a hat. Are there sub- 
clinical cases of this phenomenon among us, even scientists'? 
Strangely, this capricious sense is so much a part of most of 
us we pay it little heed. Who among us can say with certainty 



3 



they have not played the role of the native in the following 
script from Magellan's logbook. 

"When Magellan's expeditions first landed at Terra del 
Fuego, the Fuegans, who for centuries had been isolated with 
their canoe culture, were unable to see the ships anchored in 
the bay. The big ships were so far beyond their experience 
that, despite their bulk, the horizon continued unbroken: The 
ships were invisible. This was learned on later expeditions to 
the area when the Fuegans described how, according to one 
account, the shaman had first brought to the villagers' atten- 
tion that the strangers had arrived in something which although 
preposterous beyond belief, could actually be seen if one 
looked carefully. We ask how could they not see the 
ships . . . they were so obvious, so rea/ . . . yet others would 
ask how we cannot see things just as obvious." 

Nowhere is the frailty of sight-perception so troublesome 
as in microscopy. Recently, a medical writer stated that lOO 
years ago the microscope was a mysterious instmment. No 
doubt it was at that time, but today it is an even more mysteri- 
ous instrument. Tools and techniques of essentially infinite 
variety have evolved to extend human vision enormously, but 
with inherent complexities. The microscope itself contains the 
variables of lens configuration, magnification, resolution and 
lighting. Thousands of stains and staining techniques, evolved 
over many years, have contributed heavily to complexifying 
the art of microscopy. While microscopists acknowledge these 
inherent variables, in uncharted waters they remain extremely 
troublesome. 

But the microscope does more than simply magnify small 
objects to visible size, it transports the mind's eye into a world 
of incredible complexity of form, flux and process, especially 
when the specimen is alive or was once alive. The space 
traveler has access to better means of orientation than does the 
microbiologist. 

Thus, the microscope is at once a marvelous tool and a 
reservoir of seemingly endless confusion even without intro- 
ducing the factor of variations in human sight-perception. No 
doubt, we should stand in awe of progress made. But we 
cannot longer thus stand. Old health problems have become 



4 



more serious, and new ones appear almost daily. Royal 
Raymond Rife's story contains crucial information to be 
brought into focus through correlations with both old and new 
knowledge. 

A number of events in the history of microscopy and micro- 
biology lend credence to Rife's discoveries and insights into 
the nature of his travails. 

Circa 1870, Antoine Bechamp saw tiny motile bodies with 
his microscope which he named "microzymas." In the first 
third of the 20th century Gunther Enderlein saw these bodies 
and called them "endobionts." Wilhelm Reich, in the late 
1930s, saw a similar if not identical body which he named 
"bion." There were others during this era. Today in Sweden 
and in Canada the properties of these same living particles are 
being explored by researchers who have assigned names from 
their own imaginations. The various theories advanced by 
members of this group of researchers remain rejected or 
largely forgotten. Remarkably, they all used dark-field con- 
densers, a known but uncommon practice. In microbiology it 
is particularly difficult to convince others of the truth and 
value of discoveries made with uncommon methods of obser- 
vation. 

Rife employed a system of lighting as unknown to micro- 
scopy today as it was in the 1930s. It was not simply uncom- 
mon, it was unknown. This was the first and most fundamental 

technical strike against understanding Rife's microscope and 
biological discoveries. Fear of the unknown is greater than 
fear of the unfamiliar. Even scientists are not immune to this 

human instinct. 

There were a few who were not distracted by Rife's 
unknown method of lighting. Having a look at his work, they 
jumped to the next problem, that of their own dogma, which 
said it is simply impossible to realize such high magnifications 
and resolutions with a light microscope, and therefore we do 
not believe what we see. You, Mr. Rife, are dishonest, and 
for trying to pull the wool over our eyes we will put trouble- 
some clouds in your skies to the end of your days. Dogma is 
necessary, but it often lives too long, and is too often exercised 
unwisely. 



5 



Only recently have discoveries been confirmed in 
biophysics to make it possible to understand the principle by 
which Rife's microscopes produced magnifications and resol- 
utions so far beyond the limits of conventional light micro- 
scopes. Remarkably, the basic phenomena behind these "new" 
discoveries were described by Gustav Le Bon, psychologist 
turned physicist, just before the turn of the Century. Then as 
now, gifted individuals who cross disciplinary boundaries are 
not heard. 

«=. Biophysicists have now shown that there exists a crucial 
natural interaction between living matter and photons. This 
process is measurable at the cellular (bacterium) level. Other 
research has demonstrated that living systems are extraordinar- 
ily sensitive to extremely low-energy electromagnetic waves. 
This is to say, each kind of cell or microorganism has a spe- 
cific frequency of interaction with the electromagnetic spec- 
trum. By various means, Rife's system allowed adjusting the 
frequency of light impinging on the specimen. By some insight 
he learned that the light frequency could be "tuned" into the 
natural frequency of the microorganism being examined to 
cause a resonance or feed-back loop. In effect, under this 
condition, it can be said the microorganism illuminated itself. 

Is it possible the newly discovered electromagnetic proper- 
ties of living matter were visible to certain highly skilled 
microscopists with nothing more special than a gifted sense of 
sight? In self defense, Wilhelm Reich, who could see with his 
microscope what others could not, said a good microscopist 
must learn to resonate with the specimen. Barbara McClin- 
tock, Nobel Prize winning com geneticist, who experienced 
years of travail because she could see the un-seeable, 
explained that she "had a feeling for the organism". Perhaps 
Rife had such a gift of sight or insight as these two, but he 
applied it to building a device he hoped would make it possible 
for all to see further into the mysteries of living things. His 
device worked, but the world remained blind to these mys- 
teries. 

Rife extrapolated from his lighting technique, which we 
may be certain he understood, that specific electromagnetic 
frequencies would have a negative effect on specific bacterial 



6 



forms. There can remain no doubt that Rife demonstrated the 

correctness of his hypothesis to himself and those few who 
had the courage to look and the perceptual acuity to seel The 
same new discoveries in biophysics not only explain Rife's 
principle of illumination, they also explain his process for JP*' 
selective destruction of bacteria. The latter phenomenon is 
similar to ultra-sonic cleaning, differing in delicate selectivity 
of wave form and frequency. Recently, researchers whose 
findings have been suppressed, have caused and cured cancer 
in the same group of mice by subjecting them to certain elec- 
tromagnetic fields. Rife's work was far more sophisticated. 
He selected specific microscopic targets, and actually saw the 
targets explode. y 

Rife's works demonstrated beyond a shadow of a doubt that 
bacteria are pleomorphic rather than monomorphic. This 
demonstration did more to bring down upon him the wrath of 
the worst kind of politics of science than any other facet of 
his work. It violated the strongest of established biological 
dogmas, that of the germ theory of disease . . . specific etiol- 
ogy. Everyone knew this-that-and-the-other disease was 
caused by a characteristic germ. This had been absolutely 
proven by Koch's postulates and the success of vaccinations. 

No one remembered Antoine Bechamp's microzyma theory 
which said that various conditions of disease evoke the appear- 
ance of characteristic bacterial forms from tiny living pre- 
bacterial particles which he found in all living systems, and 
in inert organic matter which had once been alive. This 
required that bacteria be pleomorphic, a fact he extensively 
demonstrated, but not to the satisfaction of those who ran the 
politics of science during the late 1800s. In Bechamp's theory, 
bacteria are a symptom rather than the final cause of disease. 
Today's biologists find these concepts incomprehensible even 
though both bacterial pleomorphism and endogenous sources 
of bacteria have been demonstrated repeatedly since 
Bechamp's time. Perhaps the continuing failure to control both 
old and new diseases will pressure medical science into realiz- 
ing that the traditional germ theory dogma is at best incom- 
plete. 

During the late 1 800s the future course of medical bacteriol- 



7 



ogy was set largely by expediency. The scientists had some 
answers concerning infectious diseases, and it made good 
political and commercial sense to put these answers into prac- 
tice. Bechamp's ideas were not only strange and distasteful, 
they were complicated. In fact, Bechamp's theory probably 
relates more to degenerative diseases than to infectious dis- 
eases, the latter being of greater concern in that era. 

Vaccinations worked, though their real efficacy and long- 
term effects are now being questioned. The germ theory itself 
was relatively obvious, and it was easy to convince the public 
that the cause of their ills was a thing, which though invisible, 
came from outside the body. This gave the individual a dis- 
tance from the "cause". Though small, this distance was com- 
forting in an era when the nature of disease was so mysterious. 
The germ theory was embraced with a great sigh of relief; it 
was ever so much better than nothing. Try as they might. Rife 
and his highly competent affiliates could not change the color 
of this dogma. 

Today, the fact of bacterial pleomorphism is recognized 
quietly by small groups of microbiologists who acknowledge 
not knowing for certain what to do about it. The fact stands 
without theory, together with other self-evident biological 
phenomena such as evolution and symbiosis. The processes 
of pleomorphism appear complex beyond comprehension. It 
is a process rather than a thing. Understanding this process 
has been hampered by the fact that microbiologists have rarely 
looked at living specimens. Preoccupied with Stains and stain- 
ing techniques, and entranced by the electron microscope, they 
have continued to look at killed specimens. There is little 
doubt that Rife's live-specimen microscopy confused his cri- 
tics, adding strength to their antagonism, and to their convic- 
tion they had not witnessed bacterial pleomorphism. 

Understanding bacterial pleomorphism in a practical way is 
necessary to unraveling the mysteries of the immune system 
and degenerative diseases. If one steps outside traditional 
microbiology, and can somehow insulate oneself from all the 
controversy and tragic-ridden hindsight, perhaps new light can 
be brought to the subject. Pleomorphism means simply, "the 
assumption of various distinct forms by a single organism or 



8 



species; also the property of crystallizing in two or more 
forms". (Borland's Illustrated Medical Dictionary.): or: "1. 
Bot. the occurrence of two or more forms in one life cycle. 
2. Zool. same as polymorphism" (Webster). 

In both the long run and the short run, life is pleomorphic. 
What do we mean by the long run? There is now convincing 
evidence that life existed on Earth at least 3,400 million years 
ago. If life itself on Earth were extinguished today, it would 
have experienced an enormously long life cycle during which 
it changed from isolated single cells into an infinite variety of 
complex living forms. In this sense of the infinity of life, life 
is pleomorphic. We experience the short run, the periodic 
forms of living things which collectively perpetuate the infin- 
ity of the whole of life itself. The periodic forms we commonly 
perceive— plants, animals, birds, bees— are obviously pleo- 
morphic ... in the short run, i.e., minutes, hours, days, 
weeks, months, years, decades, centuries. 

All sexually reproducing life forms begin as a group of 
identical cells which differentiate into specialized cells which 
by symbiotic associations create complex living forms such as 
the human animal. Between fertile egg and birth, the embryo 
has many forms. The mature animal is a "form of forms." 

Even the human intellect may be said to be pleomorphic. 
Education and experience change its "form," if you will allow 
this concept. In the English language there is the word tautol- 
ogy, meaning: "needless repetition of an idea in a different 
word, phrase or sentence, redundancy; pleonasm." In the 
meaning of this word is there not evidence of an instinctive 
need to somehow change /orm.^ 

Pleomorphism is a self-evident-facts-without-theory prop- 
erty of living systems of the same class as, for example, sym- 
biosis and evolution. Bacteria are living things. They cannot 
be other than pleomorphic, symbiotic and evolutionary. 

Only during the past few years has an interest in live-speci- 
men microscopy emerged together with an assortment of 
improved light microscopes. These new scopes employ 
innovative light-paths alone or together with ultraviolet or 
near-ultraviolet light sources. Ultraviolet light has a strong 
negative effect on practically all bacteria. In desperation, this 



9 



compromise is perhaps being too eagerly accepted. Many of 
the new scopes employ image-enhancement by computer, a 
technique which may or may not encourage agreement in 
microbiological perceptions. It may introduce greater com- 
plexities than has staining. The bottom line, of course, is that 
microbiologists must create a whole living-specimen-paradigm 
within which they can get their heads together. An enormous 
learning period looms ahead, complicated by tools of ever 
increasing intricacy. 

In retrospect, Rife's microscope appears relatively simple 
and straightforward, ideally suited for observing living speci- 
mens. None of the new light scopes can begin to approach the 
magnification and resolution achieved by Rife. Only one, a 
little-known instrument developed in France during the 1960s, 
approximates that of Rife. Today, this microscope is being 
operated at 4500 magnifications with an unbelievable 150 
angstrom resolution. It appears to be an ordinary high-quality 
research instrument fitted with a dark-field condenser and a 
light source comprised of a mix of near-ultraviolet and laser, 
both being of an undisclosed frequency. Its principle of oper- 
ation may approximate Rife's in a limited way. 

A personal note: With my own eyes and with my own 
research-grade microscope, fitted with a dark-field condeoser, 
I have seen a bacterial pleomorphic process in fresh untreated 
specimens of human blood. I could not have "seen" this if I 
had not "known" what to look for. I knew what to look for 
because I had studied Bechamp, Rife, Reich and others, tind 
because of the personal tutorage of a gifted microscopist who 
had studied the phenomenon for over twenty-five years. 

Barry Lynes makes a strong case for replicating Rife's 
works, his microscope, and especially the electromagnetic fre- 
quency generator that Rife's associates used successfully in 
the clinical treatment of cancer. This would be highly desira- 
ble. Rife's works should, by all means, be reexamined fczirly 
in light of "new" knowledge. This "new" knowledge has 
defined, but not answered, many questions. The products of 
Rife's gentle genius were premature, and they may well con- 
tain cracial clues or whole answers. 
John W. Mattingly 
Colorado State University 



10 



THE 
CANCER 
CURE 

THAT 
WORKED! 



AUTHOR'S WARNING 



Important. Throughout this book, bacteria and viruses 
may seem to be confiised. Part of the difficulty is based on the 
simple fact that in 1990s scientific language, viruses are 
basically defined as extraordinarily small microbes consisting 
of DNA or RNA (the gene-carrying nucleic acids) surrounded 
by a coat of protein, and requring a living cell to reproduce. 
Bacteria are much larger, living microbes consisting of a single 
cell which reproduces through division. 

In the 1 930s, bacteria which passed through tiny filters 
were called "filterable viruses." Later the term filterable was 
dropped. The "filterable bacteria" which Rife identified as a 
cause of cancer and which he later called a virus remains in the 
1990s an essentially unexamined area of science. 

If this is still confusing, read chapter 18 first keeping 
in mind that most of this book was written hurriedly in October 
1986 in just three weeks, and remarkably published quickly 
and heroically in April 1987 by a courageous publisher. 
Mainstream American publishers were still afraid to touch the 
"Rife topic" in 1996! Also keep in mind that it is "energy 
medicine" or "resonance healing" that is curing many disease 
conditions, including cancer, just 10 years after this book's 
original publication, in 1997. The technology and discoveries 
are exploding as I write this, despite an old guard medical, 
scientific and government elite that are working fiiriously to 
keep the new healing instruments away from the public and 
beyond any media/public debate. 



Chapter 1 

The Cure For Cancer 



In the summer of 1934 in California, under the auspices of 
the University of Southern California, a group of leading 
American bacteriologists and doctors conducted the first suc- 
cessful cancer clinic. The rgsultS-shoMted— that rmccx was, 
caused by a jni^rp-organism, that the micro-organism could 
be painlessly destroyed in terminally ill cancer patients, and 
that the effects of the disease could be reversed. 

The technical discovery leading to the cancer cure had been 
described in Science magazine in 1931. In the decade follow- 
ing the 1934 clinicai success, the technology and the sub- 
sequent, successful treatment of cancer patients was discussed 
at medical conferences, disseminated in a medical journal, 
cautiously but professionally reported in a major newspaper, 
and technically explained in an annual report published by the 
Smithsonian Institution. 

However, the cancer cure threatened a number of scientists, 
physicians, and financial interests. A cover-up was initiated. 
Physicians using the new technology were coerced into aban- 
doning it. The author of the Smithsonian article was followed 
and then was shot at while driving his car. He never wrote 
about the subject again. All reports describing the cure were 
censored by the head of the AMA_( American Medical Associ- 
ation) from the major medical journals. Objective scientific 
evaluation by government laboratories was prevented. And 
renowned researchers who supported the technology and its 
new scientific principles in bacteriology were scorned, 
ridiculed, and called liars to their face. Eventually, a long, 
dark silence lasting decades fell over the cancer cure. In time, 
the cure was labeled a "myth"— it never happened. However, 
documents now available prove that the cure did exist, was 



13 



tested successfully in clinical trials, and in fact was used se- 
cretly for years afterwards— continuing to cure cancer as well 
as other diseases. 

Yet, despite the blackout which prevented doctors and 
researchers from knowing about and improving the cure, other 
scientific investigators continued to verify the basic principles. 
In the late 1940s and early 1950s, cooperating researchers at 
a hospital laboratory in New Jersey and a research institute in 
Pennsylvania made similar discoveries which unknowingly 
aligned them with the California group of a decade earlier. In 
1950, these researchers prepared to make a presentation before 
the New York Academy of Sciences. But again, political 
forces intervened and the symposium was cancelled. 

Then, in 1953, the basic science which validated the 
theories of the California group was explained by the New 
Jersey group at an international microbiology conference in 
Rome, Italy. The New York Times and the Washington Post 
reported the discovery. 

However, upon the group's return to America, they dis- 
covered that the same powerful forces which had prevented 
an American announcement in 1950 had secretly managed to 
terminate the financing of the New Jersey laboratory. The 
leading researcher was forced to move to California and start 
anew. 

In December of that same year, the leader of the California 
group and the man most responsible for the successful healing 
of cancer in the 1930s— after years of silence— published a 
description of the methods and results of the cancer cure. The 
authorities at the government's National Cancer Institute in 
Washington, D.C. received a copy at the National Library of 
Medicine outside Washington, D.C. in Bethesda, Maryland. 
But they ignored it. The library staff responsible for filing and 
circulating such reports to the officials determining cancer 
research policy either failed to do their jobs or they met with 
opposition from those in charge of the war on cancer. 

Still, new researchers continued to appear on the scene. 
The process of rediscovering what the California group had 
found continued. In the late 1950s, an international conference 
was held in Europe. The topic was the same topic which the 



14 



California group had championed in the 1930s and which 
played a critical part in their successful cancer cure. 

In 1959, another cancer researcher tested the cancer inicro- 
organisra on herself! And developed cancer. But again, the 
event had little impact in the scientific hierarchy which man- 
aged the cancer program. 

Finally, in 1967, the work of the Pennsylvania gn)up was 
reported in the Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences. 

Then, in 1969, the New Jersey group presented its findings 
to the New York Academy of Sciences and requests for 
reprints poured in frooi around the country. Yet the cancer 
aufliorities— detennining how pabiMc ai^|ffivate research (and 
treatment) would be fiinded— again ignored the discoveries 
which now were sci^:^fiCi kboratory-replicable facts. 

In 1974, a major wtMk in the bacteriology field was pub- 
lished. It showed how the claiiiK «f tte iK^t^^gists 
inyc^ved in the 1930s California elinic hai bess vs^ehied in 
the ensuing decades. Laboratory proof after laboratory proof 
convincingly demonstrated that the orthodox theories of (he 
cancer authoritii^ who dcaninated vkus and bacteria rosea rdi 
iis well as L-aiKvr ircaliiiuiit in the 1930s, 1940s, 1950s and 
1960s were fundamentally WRH^. 

In 1976, tihe first article in 30 years describing the Califor- 
nia group's technology at^ clinic^ results was published in a 
popular m^azme. Hie article ai^jeared in New Age Journal 
from Boston, Massachusetts. It outlined 40 years of inattention 
and suppression by the cmcer authorities. At that time, the 
magazine had a small circulation althou^it is now nationally 
distributed monthly. But again, nothing happened. Neither the 
public nor the medical professionals pursued the medical story 
of the 20th century— a tested, verified, pfsnless cure for 
cancer. 

In 1980, two French researdiers published a *odk which 
showed the original ideas of the California group were now 
international scientific facts. Although orthodox medical 
authorities continued to believe tt^ries which woe directly 
contradicted by laboratory demonstrations, the basis for an 
entirely new approach to cancer research and treatment was a 
scientifically established reaii^. 



15 



In 1986, an authority in the field summarized the current 
situation as follows: "Only in the past 2-4 years have micro- 
biologists developed the slightest interest in living micro- 
organisms. When they start truly looking at living micro- 
organisms, the process of change taking place before their 
eyes will confound the problem. We are going to have to teach 
them what they are seeing. It's a totally different world than 
what they think they know." 

In the past year, a leading scientist from Europe has 
reexamined the work and the claims of the California group 
which cured cancer in the 1930s. He concluded, "The princi- 
ple is sound." 

What follows is a complex tale of scientific brilliance and 
determination by a number of researchers. Sadly, it is also a 
tale of scientific ignorance, deception, abuse of power, and 
criminal acts. Congress, the media, and the scientific commu- 
nity should begin public investigations of these matters if the 
public trust is not to be further eroded. 

More than 1 ,200 Americans will die from cancer in the 
next 24 hours— nearly one death every minute. 

Surely it is time for the suffering to stop. 



16 



Chapter 2 

Bacteria and Virus 



In 19th century France, two giants of science collided. One 
of them is now world-renowned— Louis Pasteur. The other, 

from whom Pasteur stole many of his best ideas, is now essen- 
tially forgotten— Pierre Bechamp. However, it is possible that 
as medical knowledge advances and the relationships between 
health, the immune system, and food patterns are better under- 
stood, Bechamp may come to be recognized as the more sig- 
nificant of the two men. 

E. Douglas Hume, author of Bechamp or Pasteur, asserts 
that it was Pasteur's faulty science, combined with his public 
standing, which set the direction of 20th century medicine — 
chemicals, injections, and experimental transfers of disease 
cultures from one species to another. According to Hume, 
medicine could have proceeded in a very different direction if 
Bechamp' s research had received the public attention it 
deserved. It is now widely recognized that Pasteur was wrong 
on a number of basic issues. 

One of the many areas in which Pasteur and Bechamp 
argued concerned what is today known as pleomorphism— the 
occurrence of more than one distinct form of an organism in 
a single life cycle. Bechamp contended that bacteria could 
change forms. A rod-shaped bacteria could become a 
spheroid, etc. Pasteur disagreed. In 1914, Madame Victor 
Henri of the Pasteur Institute confirmed that Bechamp was 
correct and Pasteur wrong. 

But Bechamp went much further in his argument for 
pleomorphism. He contended that bacteria could "devolve" 
into smaller, unseen forms, what he called "microzymia." In 
other words, Bechamp developed— on the basis of a lifetime 



17 



of research— a theory that micro-organisms could change their 
essential siie as well as their shape, depending on the state of 
health of the organism in which the micro-organism lived. 
This directly contradicted what orthodox medical authorities 
have believed for most of the 20th century. Laboratory 
research in recent years has provided confirmation for 
Bechamp's notion. An entire century of medicine and scien- 
tific research might have been different if Pasteur's public 
authority and the commercial gains to be realized from his 
faulty ideas had not predominated. 

In 1980, French bacteriologists Sorin Sonea and Maurice 
Panisset published A New Bacteriology. The central theme of 
their book was that bacterial pleomorphism was now a scien- 
tific fact. They stated that "different types of bacteria were 
only different manifestations of a unified bacteria world." 

This seemingly esoteric scientific squabble had ramifica- 
tions far beyond academic institutions. The denial of 
pleomorphism was one of the cornerstones of 20th century 
medical research and cancer treatment. An early 20th century 
acceptance of pleomorphism might have prevented millions of 
Americans from suffering and dying of cancer. 

In the early third of this century, a heated debate took place 
over filtrable bacteria versus non-filtrable bacteria. The 
orthodox view was that bacteria could not be filtered to a 
smaller form. What passed through "bacteria-proof filters 
was something else: not bacteria, but viruses. Standard 
textbooks today continue to make this same basic distinction 
between bacteria and viruses. 

A "typical" bacteria is about 1 micron in size, or 1/25,000 
of an inch. Viruses range in size from 10 millimicrons (10 
thousandths of a micron) to 300 millimicrons (300 thousandths 
of a micron). Thus, the largest virus, according to the orthodox 
view, is a quarter to a third the size of the average bacteria. 

This measurement is important because 300 millimicrons 
also is the limit of resolution of the light microscope. Viruses 
require an electron microscope to be seen and electron micro- 
scopes kill the specimens. Only the very large smallpox virus 
can be seen with a light microscope. 



18 



Since viruses passed through pores in a filter which held 
back anything larger than 300 millimicrons, viruses were 
termed "filtrable viruses" at one time. But eventually the terms 
"filtrable" and "viruses" became synonymous. A virus was 
filtrable. But bacteria, according to the orthodox view, could 
not be filtered to a smaller, earlier stage. Here loomed a major 
battle in the war over pleomorphism. 

Another criterion for a virus is that it requires a living cell 
as a host in order to reproduce. This fundamental distinction 
between bacteria and viruses was announced by Dr. Thomas 
Rivers of the Rockefeller Institute to the Society of American 
Bacteriologists in December 1926. It helped to establish the 
foundation for his career as well as to distinguish virology as 
a separate specialty within the broader field of microbiology. 
In time, Rivers— because of his scientific reputation, his quar- 
relsome personality, and the immense financial resources at 
his disposal through the Rockefeller Institute — became one of 
the most formidable men in American microbiology. As 
Director of the Rockefeller Hospital from 1937 to 1955, and 
as Vice-President of the Rockefeller Institute from 1953 until 
illness and death removed him from a power role in American 
medicine, not only did his ideas influence the leading virus 
researchers of the next generation, but his personal training of 
a dozen or more of them had a profound impact on research 
priorities well into the 1970s and 1980s. Unfortunately, Dr. 
Thomas Rivers was wrong about filtrable bacteria. 

A quotation from an article by Dr. Richard Shope which 
appeared in The Journal of Bacteriology in 1962 after the 
death of Rivers provides some insight into what anyone dis- 
agreeing with Rivers would face: "Many of those who have 
known Dr. Rivers best have felt the sting that he could so 
picturesquely deliver in an argument. Few of us have had the 
nerve openly to side with his opposition in one of these 'knock 
down' and 'drag out' discussions." 

But one man who did challenge Rivers was Dr. Arthur 
Kendall (1877-1959), a noted bacteriologist of his time. Ken- 
dall was thoroughly defeated by Rivers as far as public acclaim 
and orthodox peer recognition was concerned, but just as with 



19 



Bechamp in the earlier battle with Pasteur, the science of later 
generations appears to be reassessing where the tnie honors 
should be assigned. 

Dr. Arthur Kendall was Director of the Hygienic Labora- 
tory of the Panama Canal Commission in 1904. The Hygienic 
Laboratory was the forerunner of the National Institute of 
Health. In 1906, Kendall became a bacteriologist at the 
Rockefeller Institute. This was followed by 3 years as an 
instructor at Harvard University Medical School (1909-1912). 
In 1912, Kendall became head of the first wholly independent 
Department of Bacteriology in America, at Northwestem Uni- 
versity. In 1916, he was appointed Dean of the Medical 
School. In 1924, Kendall became Professor of Bacteriology 
and public health at Washington University in St. Louis, Mis- 
souri. Then in 1928, he returned to Northwestem and shortly 
afterwards began working with the California group w^hich 
conducted the first successful cancer clinic in 1934. In 1942 
he retired from Northwestem. More than 100 of his papers 
were published. 

On December 11, 1931, Science magazine reported in its 
Science News section that Dr. Kendall had filtered bacteria to 
a smaller form and that these micro-organisms had remained 
alive on a medium of his creation. His "K Medium" had bro- 
ken down the typhoid bacillus into a filtrable form. Moreover, 
using a special microscope, he was able to see: (1) the full 
sized bacillus still unchanged, (2) other bacilli in an inter- 
mediate stage between the filtrable and the non-filtrable 
phases, and (3) still other, very small turquoise-blue bodies 
which were the final bacillus form. This final form was the 
size of a virus, and yet it was still a bacteria! The basis for 
Dr. Rivers' authority had been challenged. 

When the official publication of the California Medical 
Association, California and Western Medicine, published the 
incredible news in December 1931, and Dr. Kendall was 
invited to address the Association of American Physicians, 
Rivers reacted. First he tried to have Kendall's talk cancelled. 
When that was refused by the sponsors, he insisted that he and 
Dr. Hans Zinsser of Harvard be allowed to speak also. After 
Kendall made his presentation before the Association in ivlay 



20 



1932, Zinsser and Rivers publicly ripped Kendall apart, stating 
that since they could not replicate Kendall's results, Kendall 
was lying. The opposition mounted by Rivers and Zinsser was 
such that few scientists and doctors of the time dared to sup- 
port Kendall. Kendall could not convince the orthodox "non- 
filtration" school that experiments done according to his 
techniques would validate his discovery. The opposition group 
did not want to learn. 

In 1974, Lida H. Mattman of the Department of Biology, 
Wayne State University, published Cell-Wall Deficient Forms . 
By then, pleomorphism was a proven phenomenon although 
the orthodox school continued to ignore it. Mattman wrote, 
"Current bacteriology holds the belief that each species of 
bacteria has only a certain very simple form. ... In contrast, 
this writer, using carefully prepared pure cultures, found that 
bacteria pass through stages with markedly different morphol- 
ogy." 

Citing studies that went back more than 30 years, Mattman 
opened the door to a modem field of research which the exist- 
ing cancer authorities had not only ignored, but dismissed or 
suppressed because it conflicted with their own beliefs and 
their own self-interest. 

Mattman, writing with scholarly conservatism, recognized 
Kendall's contribution and obliquely the erroneous attack on 
him in the early 1930s: "In the 1920s an important 'school of 
filtration' was established by Kendall. . . . Although William 
H. Welch regarded Kendall's work as a distinct advance, great 
skepticism was expressed on the whole. Unfortunately, this 
was just prior to the demonstration by Kleineberger and by 
Dienes that filtrable organisms could be grown on solid 
medium and their sequential reversion steps followed." 

Both Kleineberger and Dienes published their initial find- 
ings in the mid- 1930s. Kendall was only a few years ahead of 
them. But Kleineberger and Dienes had no effect either. 
Something more fundamental was operating, as time would 
demonstrate. Kendall had not only challenged the experience 
of Rivers and other established authorities, but had unknow- 
ingly threatened medical and financial interests. 

By 1982, when Gerald J. Donigue of Tulane University 



21 



School of Medicine published Cell-Wall Deficient Bacteria, 
the suppression of Kendall's work for 50 years had obvious 
results. Domingue writes: 

"There is a considerable body of experimental and clinical 
evidence— much of which has never been published— support- 
ing the concept that cell wall deficient bacteria may be agents 
of disease. . . . There are no current books whose primary 
focus is on the clinical significance of these unusual 
bodies. . . . The most neglected research area has been on the 
role of these organisms in disease." 

Thus, 50 years after Kendall's discovery, even with sub- 
stantial evidence, the erroneous orthodox view continued to 
dominate medical theory, cancer research, and cancer treat- 
ment. 

One of Kendall's renowned supporters was Dr. Edward 
Rosenow of the Mayo Clinic. Rosenow was viciously attacked 
by Thomas Rivers of the rival Rockefeller Institute. As 
reported in the 1976 article in New Age Journal, Rosenow' s 
son, Dr. Edward C. Rosenow, Jr., Chief Administrative 
Officer of the American College of Physicians, "asserts that 
his father was all but accused by Rockefeller Institute research 
moguls of experimental dishonesty." 

Rosenow told his son, "They simply won't listen." 
(Rosenow's son later told how, while a student of Zinsser's 
at Harvard, Zinsser had admitted to Rosenow Jr. that he, Zins- 
ser, had not even used Rosenow Sr.'s medium in failing to 
duplicate and then condemning Rosenow's test results.) 

The medical moguls apparently wouldn't listen even to one 
of their own. In 1 9 1 1 , Peyton Rous of the Rockefeller Institute 
provided the first evidence that a virus could cause a cancer. 
Yet for decades the orthodox view was that cancer resulted 
from "somatic mutation"— a gene develops a flaw and disor- 
ganizes cellular function. 

David Locke, author of a book on viruses published in 
1974, recalled meeting Peyton Rous in the corridors of the 
Rockefeller Institute during the mid-century and being 
shocked to learn that a micro-organism could be the cause of 
cancer. Locke wrote, "The 1940s and 1950s were the heyday 
of the somatic mutation theory. At the time, it was scientific 



22 



dogma that cancer was a peculiar transformation of cells 
caused not by an infectious agent, but by a mutation of the 
cells." 

Peyton Rous was finally honored for his discovery in 1966 
when he received the Nobel Prize. He was 86 years old and 
his discovery 55 years past. 

Because the Rous virus has been around for so long, it has 
been carefully categorized. However, as described in Lida 
Mattman's 1974 book, the Rous "virus" has been found to be 
a classical bacterium. Citing Dr. Eleanor Alexander-Jackson's 
work, Mattman explained that the Rous virus produces DNA 
as well as RNA. Viruses supposedly contain only DNA or 
RNA, not both. 

The orthodox virus school undoubtedly has difficulty with 
the fact that one of the "classical" viruses— if not the most 
famous— is in truth a "filtrable bacterium." 

In a paper presented to the New York Academy of Sciences 
in 1969, Dr. Virginia Livingston and Dr. Eleanor Alexander- 
Jackson declared that a single cancer micro-organism exists. 
They said that the reason the army of cancer researchers 
couldn't find it was because it changed form. Livingston and 
Alexander-Jackson asserted: 

"The organism has remained an unclassified mystery, due 
in part to its remarkable pleomorphism and its stimulation of 
other micro-organisms. Its various phases may resemble vir- 
uses, micrococci, diptheroids, bacilli, and fungi." 

Florence Seibert, Professor Emeritus of Biochemistry, Uni- 
versity of Pennsylvania and Dr. Irene Oilier from the Institute 
for Cancer Research in Philadelphia made essentially the same 
argument to the New York Academy of Sciences in 1967. 
Seibert's book Pebbles on the Hill of a Scientist {]96S) 
includes the following: "We found that we were able to isolate 
bacteria from every piece of tumor and every acute leukemic 
blood specimen that we had. This was published in the Annals 
of the New York Academy of Sciences." 

Seibert also clearly recognized pleomorphism as the under- 
lying scientific reality which must be appreciated if cancer is 
to be cured: 

"One of the most interesting properties of these bacteria s 



23 



their great pleomorphism. For example, they readily change 
their shape from round cocci, to elongated rods, and even to 
long thread-like filaments depending upon what medium they 
grow on and how long they grow. And even more interesting 
than this is the fact that these bacteria have a filterable form 
in their life cycle; that is, that they can become so small that 
they pass through bacterial filters which hold back bacteria. 
This is what viruses do, and is one of the main criteria of a 
virus, separating them from bacteria. But the virases also will 
not live on artificial media like these bacteria do. . . . Our 
filterable form, however, can be recovered again on ordinary 
artificial bacterial media and will grow on these." 

The Mayo Clinic's Dr. Edward Rosenow, who worked with 
Kendall in the preparatory stage of the successful cancer 
clinic, had written as early as 1914 in the Journal of Infectious 
Diseases that, "It would seem that focal infections are no 
longer to be looked upon merely as a place of entrance of 
bacteria, but as a place where conditions are favorable for 
them to acquire the properties which give them a wide range 
of affinities for various structures." 

This was also Bechamp's conclusion back in the 19th cen- 
tury—that the body's environment produced a place for micro- 
organisms to become diseased bacteria and that improving the 
body's internal environment could alter bacteria into harmless, 
even useful "microzymia." E. Douglas Hume has written, 
"Bechamp . . . had demonstrated the connection between a 
disturbed state of body and the disturbed state of its indwelling 
particles, which, upon an unfortunate alteration in their sur- 
roundings, are hampered in their normal multiplication as 
healthy microzymas and are consequently prone to develop 
into organisms of varied shape, known as bacteria. Upon an 
improvement in their environment, the bacteria, according to 
Bechamp's view, by a form of devolution may return to their 
microzymian state, but much smaller and more numerous than 
they were originally." 

At the end of 1971, Congress passed the National Cancer 
Act. As Robin and David Nicholas later wrote {Virology, an 
Information Profile) in 1983, "In the 1970s research into the 
role of viruses in cancer was virtually given a blank check, 
particulariy in the USA, the powerhouse of virus research." 



24 



Bacteria and its various forms were ignored. Even in 1986, 
when researchers mention bacteria as a possible cause of 
cancer, they are dismissed by the "experts." One high univer- 
sity official stopped reading a report on the 1934 cancer cure 
when he came across the word bacteria, so brainwashed was 
he to the certainty that viruses were the cause of cancer while 
bacteria were of no importance in cancer. 

And yet, by 1986, despite the massive fundings of virus 
research, more people than ever continued to die of cancer. 
Memorial Sloan-Kettering Cancer Center, the world's largest 
non-profit cancer research center, and still the leading institu- 
tional opponent of pleomorphism research and related cancer 
treatment in America, stated in a 1986 fund-raising appeal that 
over 460,000 Americans died of cancer in 1985. (Sloan-Ket- 
tering' s own 1975 tests had indicated pleomorphic bacteria- 
virus in all cancer blood tests, but they had buried the labora- 
tory results.) 

In 1974, Rockefeller University's Dr. Norman Zinder 
admitted, "We don't know how to attack cancer, much less 
conquer it, because we don't understand enough about how it 

works." 

Yet the answer existed then and now in scientific journals. 
Academy of Sciences' reports, books, old newspapers, and 
other forms. If money wasn't being invested into careful 
research and cross-referencing of ail the relevant literature, 
then why wasn't it? 

The cancer authorities— in the 1980s as in eariier decades — 
had censored ideas and researchers who argued the unorthodox 
pleomorphism cause and cure for cancer. The money and clin- 
ical trials went to orthodox virus monomorphism supporters 
and chemical treatments aimed at killing cancerous cells, not 
micro-organisms in the bloodstream attacking the entire body. 
The funding procedure was essentially stacked against those 
who, even though top scientists, didn't parrot the conventional 
(and wrong) beliefs. 

Ralph W. Moss, former Assistant Director of Public Affairs 
at Memorial Sloan-Kettering Cancer Center explained the 
roadblock in his 1980 book The Cancer Syndrome: "A new 
grant request must therefore be approved by a wide variety of 
scientists, bureaucrats and businessmen. It must be the result 



25 



of a consensus of opinion among these many individuals. 
Almost by definition, however, such an application must be 
well within the bounds of conventional science. These 'cum- 
bersome constraints' make it difficult, if not impossible for 
radically new ideas to be approved by the NCI." (NCI = the 
National Cancer Institute) 

The "radically new ideas" might include the one that cured 
cancer in the California clinic in 1934. The 460,000 Amer- 
icans scheduled to needlessly die in the next year might like 
some of their tax money to fund a new clinic using those long 
covered-up ideas and technologies. As Frank J. Rauscher, Jr., 
Director of the National Cancer Institute, rhetorically asked in 
1975, "What are we doing with the taxpayer's money?" 

It is a question which no one in authority wants to answer 
honestly— the horrible results of the cancer cure cover-up are 
too well-known. The death toll from 1970 to the present 
(1986) is more than 6 million, matching the Nazi holocaust. 
When the death count includes those who died from 1 934 to 
1970, the number of victims is staggering. The cancer cure 
cover-up is America's holocaust. 

A political firestorm could erupt if a large sector of the 
American public learned the truth. 



26 



Chapter 3 

Medicine in America 



The suppression of the successful cancer cure first used in 
1934 took place because of a unique set of factors. Among 
these factors were: the virtual one-man rule within the Amer- 
ican Medical Association, scientific rivalries, institutional 
pride and arrogance, a power-hungry head at Memorial Sloan- 
Kettering determined to find his own cure for cancer even if 
it required squashing those with different views, pharmaceu- 
tical companies with vested interests which slowly took con- 
trol of the direction of America's cancer program, and politi- 
cal-media timidity in the area of medical oversight. There 
were a number of junctures during the years since 1934 when, 
if one person in a critical position had acted courageously, the 
entire history of medicine in this century could have been 
altered. But it didn't happen. The resulting cost in lives and 
resources has been incalculable. It is not an exaggeration to 
say thai the cover-up, suppression, and failure to evaluate the 
1934 cancer cure has been an American catastrophe exceeding 
anything in our history. Even if the 1934 cure can be 
implemented in the late 1980s, nothing can disguise the waste 
and horror of what has happened. 

The American Medical Association was formed in 1846, 
but it wasn't until 1901 that a reorganization enabled it to gain 
power over how medicine was practiced throughout America. 
By becoming a confederation of state medical associations 
and forcing doctors who wanted to belong to their county 
medical society to join the state association, the AM A soon 
increased its membership to include a majority of physicians. 
Then, by accrediting medical schools, it began determining 
the standards and practices of doctors. Those who refused to 
conform lost their license to practice medicine. 



27 



In 1912 the AM A established its "cooperative" advertising 
bureau. Soon the AMA's Chicago headquarters determined 
not only who could advertise in the state medical journals but 
how much advertisers were expected to pay if their prcxiucts 
were to be "approved." Morris Fishbein was the virtual dic- 
tator of the AM A from the mid- 1920s until he was ousted on 
June 6, 1949 at the AMA convention in Atlantic City. But 
even after he was forced from his position of power because 
of a revolt from several state delegations of doctors, the 
policies he had set in motion continued on for many years. He 
died in the early 1970s. 

The Illinois Medical Society had warned as early as 1922 
about what was happening, but few paid attention or dared to 
oppose the trend: "The AMA is a one-man organization . The 
entire medical profession of the United States is at the mercy 
of one man. . . . The Journal controls all the funds." 

One example demonstrates how the AMA advertising and 
approval "racket" worked. According to Morris A. Beale, 
author of two books, The Super Drug Story and Medical Mus- 
solini, C. Gildner of Los Angeles contracted with King's 
Laboratories to distribute a product called Maeium. King's 
Laboratories requested approvial by the AMA for its product. 
On October 27, 1931, AMA director Fishbein wrote that it 
was approved. On November 10, 1931, Gildner was 
approached by Fishbein to purchase advertising in the national 
AMA Journal or any of the 42 state medical journals. Gildner 
refused. On November 16, 1931, one week later, through the 
AMA's Committee on Foods, Fishbein revoked the AMA's 
seal of approval. 

According to Beale, this procedure was common practice. 
Products weren't tested for their effects on health. Only adver- 
tising revenues were considered. In short, the AMA for many 
years was abusing its position of power to shake down poten- 
tial advertisers. Even worse, it was selling its product approval 
seal to advertisers whose products were unsafe and unhealthy. 
Products virtually the same would be found on the AMA's 
"approved" and "disapproved" lists— the only distinction being 
whether their manufacturers advertised in the Journal of the 
AMA. 



28 



The man responsible for this state of affairs was, in the 
words of Associated Press Science Writer Howard Blakeslee, 
"Morris Fishbein, the Kingpin of American Medicine." Fish- 
bein operated out of the AMA's Chicago headquarters. 

A few years after the successful cancer clinic of 1934, Dr. 
R. T. Hamer, who did not participate in the clinic, began to 
use the procedure in Southern California. According to Benja- 
min Cullen, who observed the entire development of the 
cancer cure from idea to implementation, Fishbein found out 
and tried to "buy in." When he was turned down, Fishbein 
unleashed the AMA to destroy the cancer cure. 

Cullen recalled: "Dr. Hamer ran an average of forty cases 
a day through his place. He had to hire two operators. He 
trained them and watched them very closely. The case his- 
tories were mounting up very fast. Among them was this old 
man from Chicago. He had a malignancy all around his face 
and neck. It was a gory mass. Just terrible. Just a red gory 
mass. It had taken over all around his face. It had taken off 
one eyelid at the bottom of the eye. It had taken off the bottom 
of the lower lobe of the ear and had also gone into the cheek 
area, nose and chin. He was a sight to behold." 

"But in six months all that was left was a little black spot 
on the side of his face and the condition of that was such that 
it was about to fall off. Now that man was 82 years of age. I 
never saw anything like it. The delight of having a lovely 
clean skin again, just like a baby's skin." 

"Well he went back to Chicago. Naturally he couldn't keep 
still and Fishbein heard about it. Fishbein called him in and 
the old man was kind of reticent about telling him. So Fishbein 
wined and dined him and finally learned about his cancer 
treatment by Dr. Hamer in the San Diego clinic." 

"Well soon a man from Los Angeles came down. He had 
several meetings with us. Finally he took us out to dinner and 
broached the subject about buying it. Well we wouldn't do it. 
The renown was spreading and we weren't even advertising. 
But of course what did it was the case histories of Dr. Hamer. 
He said that this was the most marvelous development of the 
age. His case histories were absolutely wonderful." 

"Fishbein bribed a partner in the company. With the result 



29 



we were kicked into court— operating without a license. I was 
broke after a year." 

In 1939, under pressure from the local medical society. Dr. 
R. T. Hamer abandoned the cure. He is not one of the heroes 
of this story. 

Thus, within the few, short years from 1934 to 1939, the 
cure for cancer was clinically demonstrated and expanded into 
curing other diseases on a daily basis by other doctors, and 
then terminated when Morris Fishbein of the AMA was not 
allowed to "buy in." It was a practice he had developed into 
a cold art, but never again would such a single mercenary 
deed doom millions of Americans to premature, ugly deaths. 
It was the AMA's most shameflil hour. In years to come, it 
may be the event which triggers lawsuits against the AMA for 
damages exceeding anything in American legal history. 

Where was the federal government at this time (1938- 
1939)? Just getting organized. The Hygienic Laboratory was 
reorganized into the National Institutes of Health in 1930, but 
in 1938 it was in the process of moving into its permaiient 
location outside Washington, D.C. in Bethesda, Maryland. 
The National Institutes of Health were a small operation then! 
The National Cancer Institute had been created only in 1937. 
Government grants to cure cancer were only beginning. And 
in 1938, Fishbein was in Washington, D.C. lobbying to stop 
Roosevelt's first effort to establish a national health program. 
Keeping the government out of the health business as well as 
keeping outsiders with a lasting cure for cancer "out in the 
cold" were the objectives of those who then had a monopoly 
on medicine. 

The insiders included two other groups-the private 
research centers and the pharmaceutical companies. Paul Starr 
explained the situation in his 1984 Pulitzer Prize book. The 
Social Transformation of Medicine: 

"Between 1900 and 1940, the primary sources of financing 
for medical research were private. Private foundations and 
universities were the principal sponsors and hosts of basic 
research. The most richly endowed research center, the Roc- 
kefeller Institute for Medical Research, was established in' 
1902 and by 1928 had received from John D. Rockefeller $65 
million in endowment funds." 



30 



'Tte odier majw private sponsors of research were phar- 
maceutical companies, which grew rapidly after the 
1920s. ... An estimate in 1945 put the research expenditures 
of the drug companies at $40 inillion, compared to S25 million 
for the foundations, universities, and research institutes." 

Another major institution which "staked its claim" in the 
virgin territory of cancer research in the 1 930-1950 period was 
Memorial Sloan-Kettering Cancer Center in New York. Estab- 
lished in 1884 as the first cancer hospital in America, Memo- 
rial Sloan-Kettering from 1940 to the mid-1950s was the 
center of drug testing for the largest pharmaceutical com- 
panies. Cornelius P. Rhoads, who had spent the 1930s at the 
Rockefeller Institute, became the director at Memorial Sloan- 
Kettering in 1939. He remained in that position until his death 
in 1959. Rhoads was the head of the chemical warfare service 
from 1943-1945, and afterwards became the nation's premier 
radvocate of chemotherapy. According to Dr. Virginia 
Livingston-Wheeler, "Dr. Rhoads was determined to dictate 
the cancer policies of the entire country." ; 

It was Dr. Rhoads who prevented Dr: Irene Diller fi-om 
announcing the discovery of the ciinccr micro-organism lo the 
New York Academy of Sciences in 1950. It also was Dr. 
Rhoads who arranged for the fiasds for Dr. Caspe's New Jer- 
sey laboratoiy to be cancelled after she announced the same 
discovery in Rome in 1953. And an I.R.S. investigation, insti- 
gated by an unidentified, powerful New York cancer author- 
ity, added to her misery. The laboratory was closed. 

Memorial Sloan-Kettering is closely tied to fte American 
Cancer Society. The American Cancer Society was founded 
in 1913, by John D. Rockefeller, Jr. and his business 
aissociates. Reorganized after the war, the power positions on 
its board were taken by pharmaceutical executives, advertising 
people, Sloan-Kettering trustees, and other orthodox treatment 
proponents. The American Cancer Society has enormous 
influence in the cancer world because its public appeals gener- 
ate large amounts of mcmey for rese^ch. As Ralph W. Moss, 
former Assistant Director of Public Affairs at Memorial Sloan- 
Kettering Cancer Center, ^made expUcit, "The Society now 
has tens of millions of dolters to disttibute to those who favor 



31 



its growing power, and many powerftil connections to discon- 
cert those who oppose it." 

Yet with all this wealth at its disposal for so many years, 
and its purpose the eradication of cancer, the American Cancer 
Society has not been able to find those scientists who have 
scientifically isolated the cancer micro-organism or those 
pioneer researchers and doctors who cured it in 1934 and after- 
wards. Bad luck, incompetence, or something else? 

Thus the major players on the cancer field are the doctors, 
the private research institutions, the pharmaceutical com- 
panies, the American Cancer Society, and also the U.S. gov- 
ernment through the National Cancer Institute (organizing 
research) and the Food and Drug Administration (the dreaded 
FDA which keeps the outsiders on the defensive through raids, 
legal harassment, and expensive testing procedures). 

The people in these institutions, and especially their politi- 
cal management, all proclaim their professionalism, dedica- 
tion, and expertise. The results tell a very different story. 
Ralph Moss exposes the chink in the cancer establishment's 
armor with a single quotation in The Cancer Syndrome. It is 
by the late Sloan-Kettering chemotherapist David Kamofsky: 
"The relevant matter in examining any form of treatment is 
not the reputation of its proponent, the persuasiveness of his 
theory, the eminence of its lay- supporters, the testimony of 
patients, or the existence of public controversy, but simply— 
does the treatment work?" 

If only Rivers, Fishbein, Rhoads and the army of current 
skeptical research-oriented scientists, bureaucrats, phar- 
maceutical spokesmen, philanthropists and other credentialed 
professionals had honored the scientific and moral rightness 
of Kamofsky's thought, the cure for cancer might not have 
been suppressed for decades and might have a chance for a 
swift testing and implementation today. 

David M. Locke emphasized the same point as Kamofsky 
in the book Viruses: 

"One of the dicta of the University of Chicago's great cancer 
researcher and Nobel Laureate, Charles B. Huggins, is: 'The 
thing about cancer is to cure it.'" 



32 



Chapter 4 

The Man Who Found 
The Cure For Cancer 



In 1913, a man with a love for machines and a scientific 
curiosity arrived in San Diego after driving across the country 
from New York. He had been bom in Elkhom, Nebraska, was 
25 years old, and very happily married. He was about to start 
a new life and open the way to a science of health which will 
be honored far into the future. His name was Royal Raymond 
Rife. Close friends, who loved his gentleness and humility 
while being awed by his genius, called him Roy. 

Royal R. Rife was fascinated by bacteriology, microscopes 
and electronics. For the next 7 years (including a mysterious 
period in the Navy during World War I in which he traveled 
to Europe to investigate foreign laboratories for the U.S. gov- 
ernment), he thought about and experimented in a variety of 
fields as well as mastered the mechanical skills necessary to 
build instruments such as the world had never imagined. 

So it was that, in 1920 when the great idea of his life came 
to him, Royal Rife was ready. Journalist Newall Jones 
described the historic moment in the May 6, 1938 Evening 
Tribune of San Diego: 

"The San Diego man, who is hailed by many as a veritable 
genius, has experimented with important studies, inventions 
and discoveries in an unbelievably wide and varied array of 
subjects. These fields of pursuit range from ballistics and rac- 
ing auto construction to optics and many equally profound 
sciences. And in 1920 he was invesdgating the possibilities of 
electrical treatment of diseases. 

"It was then that he noticed these individualistic differences 
in the chemical constituents of disease organisms and saw the 
indication of electrical characteristics, observed electrical 
polarities in the organisms. 



33 



"Random speculation on the observation suddenly stirred in 
his mind a startling, astonishing thought. 

'"What would happen if I subjected these organisms to dif- 
ferent electrical frequencies?' he wondered." 

So he began to gather the tools necessary to do so: micro- 
scopes, electronic equipment, tubes, bacteriological equip- 
ment, cages for guinea pigs, cameras, and machinery to build 
his own designs. Two San Diego industrialists-Timken, 
owner of the Timken Roller Bearing Company and Bridges, 
owner of the Bridges Carriage Company— provided funds to 
establish a laboratory and finance Rife's research. 

By the late 1920s, the first phase of his work was com- 
pleted. He had built his first microscope, one that broke the 
existing principles, and he had constructed instniments which 
enabled him to electronically destroy specific pathological 
micro-organisms. 

In the years that followed, he would improve and perfect 
these early models, identify and classify disease-causing 
micro-organisms in a totally unique way, including their exact 
M.O.R. or Mortal Oscillatory Rate (the precise frequency 
which "blew them up") and then, in cooperation with leading 
bactenologists such as Rosenow and Kendall, along with lead- 
ing doctors, cure cancer and other diseases in people. 

Every step was controversial, original, difficult and time- 
consuming. The opposition was powerful. They eventually 
did break him and many of those who collaborated with him, 
but not before Rife left records, microscopes, electronic fre- 
quency instruments, and methods which will enable later gen- 
erations to establish an entirely new form of painless, non-drug 
healing. 

As one of Rife's co-workers recalled in 1958, forty-five 
years after he met the genius of San Diego: 

"He finally got to a point where from years of isolation and 
clarification and purification of these filterable forms, he could 
produce cancer in the guinea pigs in two weeks. He tried it on 
rats, guinea pigs and rabbits, but he found finally that he could 
confine his efforts to guinea pigs and white rats because every 
doggone one was his pet. And he performed the operations on 
them in the most meticulous operations you ever want to see 
in all your bom days. No doctor could ever come near to it. 



34 



He had to wear a big powerful magnifying glass. He performed 
the most wonderful operations you ever saw. Completely 
eradicating every tentacle out from the intestines, and sewed 
the thing up and it got well and didn't know anything about it 
at all. Did it not once but hundreds of times. This is a thing 
that again and again I wish was published. I wish with all my 
heart that all the detailed information that he developed could 
be published because the man deserves it. 

"He finally got these cultures on the slide. He could look 
through this thing and you could see them swimming around 
absolutely motile and active. Then he'd say, 'Watch that.' 
He'd go turn on the frequency lamps. When it got to a certain 
frequency, he'd release the whole doggone flood of power 
into the room. The doggone little things would die instantly. 

"He built the microscopes himself. He built the micro-man- 
ipulator himself. And the micro-dissector and a lot of other 
stuff. 

"I've seen Roy sit in that doggone seat without moving, 
watching the changes in the frequency, watching when the 
time would come when the virus in the slide would be 
destroyed. Twenty-four hours was nothing for him. Forty- 
eight hours. He had done it many times. Sit there without 
moving. He wouldn't touch anything except a little water. His 
nerves were just like cold steel. He never moved. His hands 
never quivered. 

"Of course he would train beforehand and go through a very 
careful workout afterward to build himself up again. But that 
is what 1 would call one of the most magnificent sights of 
human control and endurance I'd ever seen. 

"I've seen the cancer virus. I have seen the polio virus. I've 
seen the IB virus. Here was a man showing people, showing 
doctors, these viruses of many different kinds of diseases, 
especially those three deadly ones— TB, polio and cancer. 

"Time and time again since that time some of these medical 
men have made the proud discovery that they had isolated we 
will say one of the viruses of cancer, had isolated one of the 
viruses of polio. Why that was one of the most ridiculous 
things in the world. Thirty-five years ago Roy Rife showed 
them these things. 

"These machines demonstrate that you could cure cancer- 
all crazy notions of usurping the rights of the AMA not- 
withstanding. They definitely could take a leaf out of Roy 
Rite's book and do an awful lot of good to this world for 



35 



sickness and disease. As a consequence, we have lost millions 
of people that could have been healed by Rife's machines. 

"I like Roy Rife. I'll always remember Roy as my Ideal. 
He has a tremendous capacity for knowledge and a tremendous 
capacity for remembering what he has learned. He definitely 
was my Ideal. Outside of old Teddy Roosevelt, I don't know 
of any man any smarter than him and I'll bank him up against 
a hundred doctors because he did know his stuff with his 
scientific knowledge in so many lines. He had so many wrink- 
les that he could have cashed in and made millions out of it if 
he had wanted to and I do mean millions of dollars. Which 
would have benefited the human race, irrespective of this tre- 
mendous thing that he built which we call the Rife ray 
machine. 

"In my estimation Roy was one of the most gentle, genteel, 
self-effacing, moral men I ever met. Not once in all the years 
I was going over there to the lab, and that was approximately 
30 years, did I ever hear him say one word out of place. 

"All the doctors used to beat a path to Rife's lab door and 
that was a beautiful lab at one time. It was beautifully arranged 
inside. The equipment was just exactly right; his study was 
just wonderful. It was a place of relics and the atmosphere 
could not be duplicated anywhere." 



36 



Chapter 5 

The 1920s 



Rife began in 1920 by searching for an electronic means to 
destroy the micro-organism which caused tuberculosis. It was 
in that first year that the original radio frequency instrument 
was built. Since the frequency which would kill the micro- 
organism was unknown. Rife had to proceed by trial and error. 
Rife and his associates conducted test after test. 

Finally he achieved success, but the success produced more 
problems. The micro-organism had been killed, but in several 
cases the guinea pigs died of toxic poisoning. Three years 
were spent in finding an answer. He suspected that a virus 
from the bacteria was responsible. He would have to devise a 
way to obtain the virus in pure form in order to determine its 
frequency and thus kill it without injuring the pigs. 

Rife's first microscope also was completed in 1920 
although he began building it in 1917. From 1920 to 1925, 
some 20,000 pathological tissues were sectioned and stained. 
However they failed to show any unknown bacteria or foreign 
material under the highest power. Rife continued to improve 
it, searching for a way to see the viruses. 

He knew about the 19th century work of Voghn and later 
Robert Cook who were able to destroy the rod form of the 
tuberculosis bacteria with vaccine and anti-toxins, but still 
were left with experimental animals which died. Rife theorized 
that they had released the virus by killing the bacteria-just as 
he had done when he destroyed the Bacillus of Tuberculoses 
with his radio frequency instrument. Unless he could see the 
virus and determine its frequency, he couldn't cure TB with 
his method. But if he could see in his microscope both the 
bacterial and the viral forms of TB. he could determine their 
separate frequencies and kill them both at the same time, 

37 



Rife believed that the minuteness of the virases made it 
impossible to stain them with the existing acid or aniline dye 
stains. He'd have to find another way. Somewhere along the 
way, he made an intuitive leap often associated with the great- 
est scientific discoveries. He conceived first the idea and then 
the method of staining the virus with light. He began building 
a microscope which would enable a frequency of light to coor- 
dinate with the chemical constituents of the particle or micro- 
organism under observation. 

Rife later explained to a reporter how he was able to make 
this leap. In a front page article of the San Diego Union on 
November 3, 1929, Rife is quoted, "If one man is a bac- 
teriologist and knows what is needed and another is a 
mechanic who tries to build it, they may get somewhere, but 
they will do it slowly and imperfectly. But if both these men 
are the same man he will know the set-up from both angles; 
then if you add delicacy, accuracy, mechanical skill, the will- 
ingness to keep proper records, ingenuity and the patience to 
leam from failures, you will be well along toward the solution 
of your problem and the perfection of the necessary apparatus, 
whatever it is." 

Rife's second microscope was finished in 1929. In an article 
which appeared in the Los Angeles Times Magazine on 
December 27, 1 93 1 , the existence of the light staining method 
was reported to the public: 

"Bacilli may thus be studied by their light, exactly as 
astronomers study moons, suns, and stars by the light which 
comes from them through telescopes. The bacilli studied are 
living ones, not corpses killed by stains." 

Throughout most of this period. Rife also had been seeking 
a way to identify and then destroy the micro-organism which 
caused cancer. His cancer research began in 1922. It would 
take him until 1932 to isolate the responsible micro-organism 
which he later named simply the "BX virus." 

The 1920s were the years of pure isolated research for Rife. 
There were no famous microbiologists coming to his door, no 
doctors seeking to use his frequency instrument on their 
patients, no requests from microscope experts to be allowed 
to leam about his invention, no medical committees estab- 



38 



lished to coordinate the laboratory and clinical results, no 
renowned cancer experts negotiating to work with him in his 
lab no cancer foundations trying to fit his discovenes into 
their grant procedures. But all the scientific isolation was to 
end soon after the microscope's existence was reported m 
1929. 

Rife would have to make time for experimental demonstra- 
tions, letters, and meetings. He'd have to deal with more 
people, and still preserve time for the exhausting research 
which only he could do because only he knew how to do it. 
Others could help, and they did, but they also got in the way. 
Then there would be the businessmen promoters and doctors 
who would try to steal his work. There would be the opposi- 
tion from scientists whose own authority, prestige, and posi- 
tion would be challenged by Rife's discoveries. And there 
would be the powerful attempt by Morris Fishbein and the 
AMA to destroy the man whose miraculous treatment they 
could not "buy into". 

So in retrospect the 1920s seem to be some of Rife s most 
frustrating years as he struggled to find answers. But iti 
another sense, they were his golden years of what he called 

"pure science". ■ , c ^ 

On November 3, 1929, the San Diego Union carried a front 
page article titled "Local Man Bares Wonders of Germ Life." 
The article described the wonders Rife could accomplish with 
his new microscope. It announced that Rife's "light staining" 
method was nearing perfection. The article explained: 

"He holds a theory that the harsh acid stains used to bring 
out features of the tissue, as well as the complicated treatment 
now necessary to prepare it for the slides, conspire to defeat 
their own objective. 

"He believes that the chemical baths themselves destroy the 
very germ that science is trying to pin under the microscope. 

"So he is evolving a new method that will do away with 
chemicals. Instead of five days' hard work being necessary 
before a pickled and probably worthless section of tissue can 
be put under the lens, he expects within three minutes to place 
a perfectly normal, undoped slice of the diseased substance in 
position for examination. 

"The possibilities of this process once it is perfected, he 



39 



believes are boundless. Medical men who for all time have 
been destroying the very thing they were looking for, while 
they were getting ready to look at it, may in this one step find 
an end to much of human suffering." 

The roaring 20s were over. Two weeks before the first 
newspaper article, the stock market had crashed. A decade of 
depression lay ahead for America. And Rife's fabulous dis- 
coveries, inventions, and health miracles would have to con- 
tend not only with professional scientific skepticism and a 
powerful medical union determined to control the health 
business, but also with the national economic crisis which 
made financing research a difficult and complicated challenge. 

Yet his primary goal would be accomplished. The cancer 
micro-organism would be isolated and destroyed. Terminally 
ill cancer patients would be treated. And they would be healed. 
Rife would do what he had set out to do. It would be decades 
before his work would be recognized. But the "pure science" 
he accomplished meant the deadly BX cancer micro-organism 
someday would be "blown up" in those suffering from its 
effects. 



40 



Chapter 6 

The Early 1930s 



In 1931, the two men who provided the greatest profes- 
sional support to Royal R. Rife came into his life. Dr. Arthur 
I Kendall was Director of Medical Research at Northwestern 
University Medical School in Illinois. Dr. Milbank Johnson 
was a member of the board of directors at Pasadena Hospital 
in California and an influential power in Los Angeles medical 
circles: Together, Rife, Kendall and Johnson slowly and care- 
fully began an assault on the scientific and medical 
orthodoxies of their time. . 

Probably because of the November 3, 1929 news article in 
the San Diego Union, Dr. Kendall had learned about Rife's 
wonder microscope. He asked his friend Dr. Johnson of Los 
Angeles if such a microscope truly existed. Dr. Johnson and 
Dr. Alvin G. Foord, the pathologist at Pasadena Hospital (and 
later President of the American Association of Pathologists), 
journeyed to San Diego along with two other doctors. Foord's 
presence from the beginning is important because later he lied 
about his participation in the great scientific endeavor which 
followed. By the 1950s the AMA and the California State 
Board of Public Health were committed to squelching the Rife 
cancer cure. By then many millions of people had died because 
the cancer cure had been suppressed, doctors who had used 
the instrument successfully were being persecuted, and those 
with reputations to preserve were literally "lying through their 
teeth" as documents and personal testimony show. 

But in 1931 when Johnson and Foord first met Rife, the 
future seemed to hold only endless medical advances because 
of Rife's wonderful microscope. The four doctors were im- 
pressed. Johnson returned to Los Angeles and wired a report 



41 



to Kendall in Chicago. Kendall sent a telegram back, "Expect 
to start for California Saturday night." 

Dr. Kendall had invented a protein culture medium (called 
"K Medium" after its inventor) which enabled the "filtrable 
virus" portions of a bacteria to be isolated and to continue 
reproducing. This claim directly contradicted the Rockefeller 
Institute's Dr. Thomas Rivers who in 1926 had authoritatively 
stated that a virus needed a living tissue for reproduction. 
Rife, Kendall and others were to prove within a year that it 
was possible to cultivate viruses artificially. Rivers, in his 
ignorance and obstinacy, was responsible for suppressing one 
of the greatest advances ever made in medical knowledge . 

Of course, when Rivers opposed Kendall in 1932 and called 
him a liar at the meeting of the Association of American Physi- 
cians in Baltimore, Rivers had not had the opportunity to see 
the viruses on the "K Medium" under Rife's microscope. But 
Rivers wasn't interested in learning about the microscope, 
even after other top bacteriologists saw the same results. Riv- 
ers' mistaken notion is still "law" in orthodox circles of the 
1980s. 

Kendall arrived in California in mid-November 1931 and 
Johnson introduced him to Rife. Kendall brought his "K 
Medium" to Rife and Rife brought his microscope to Kendall. 
A meeting of historic importance took place. 

A typhoid germ was put in the "K Medium," triple-filtered 
through the finest filter available, and the results examined 
under Rife's microscope. Tiny, distinct bodies stained in a 
turquoise-blue light were visible. Kendall could "see" the 
proof of what he had demonstrated by other means. Two his- 
toric breakthroughs in science had happened. The virus cul- 
tures grew in the "K Medium" and were visible. The viruses 
could be "light" stained and then classified according to their 
own colors under Rife's unique microscope. 

A later report which appeared in the Smithsonian's annual 
publication gives a hint of the totally original microscopic 
technology which enabled man to see a deadly virus-size 
micro-organism in its live state for the first time (the electron 
microscope of later years kills its specimens): 

"Then they were examined under the Rife microscope where 



42 



the filterable virus form of typhoid bacillus, emitting a blue 
spectrum color, caused the plane of polarization to be deviated 
4.8 degrees plus. When the opposite angle of refraction was 
obtained by means of adjusting the polarizing prisms to minus 
4 8 degrees and the cultures of vimses were illuminated by the 
monochromatic beams coordinated with the chemical con- 
stituents of the typhoid bacillus, small, oval, actively motile, 
bright turquoise-blue bodies were observed at 5000 x magnifi- 
cation, in high contrast to the colorless and motionless debris 
of the medium. These tests were repeated 18 times to verify 
the results." 

Following the success, Dr. Milbank Johnson quickly 
arranged a dinner in honor of the two men in order that the 
discovery could be announced and discussed. More than 30 
of the most prominent medical doctors, pathologists, and bac- 
teriologists in Los Angeles attended this historic event on 
November 20, 1931. Among those in attendance were Dr. 
Alvin G. Foord who 20 years later would indicate he knew 
little about Rife's discoveries and Dr. George Dock who 
would serve on the University of Southern California's Special 
Research Committee overseeing the clinical work until he, 
too would "go over" to the opposition. 

On November 22, 1931, the Los Angeles Times reported 
this important medical gathering and its scientific significance: 
"Scientific discoveries of the greatest magnitude, including 
a discussion of the worid's most powerful microscope recently 
perfected after 14 years effort by Dr. Royal R. Rife of San 
Diego, were described Friday evening to members of the med- 
ical profession, bacteriologists and pathologists at a dinner 
given by Dr. Milbank Johnson in honor of Dr. Rife and Dr. 

A. I. Kendall. u a u 

"Before the gathering of distinguished men. Dr. Kenaaii 
told of his researches in cultivating the typhoid bacillus on his 
new 'K Medium.' The typhoid bacillus is nonfilterable and is 
large enough to be seen easily with microscopes m general 
use Through the use of 'medium K,' Dr. Kendall said, the 
organism is so altered that it cannot be seen with ordmary 
microscopes and it becomes small enough to be ultra-micro- 
scopic or filterable. It then can be changed back to the micro- 
scopic or non-filterable form. 
"Through the use of Dr. Rife's powerful microscope, said 



43 



to have a visual power of magnification to 17,000 times, com- 
pared with 2000 times of which the ordinary microscope is 
capable, Dr. Kendall said he could see the typhoid bacilli in 
the filterable or formerly invisible stage. It is probably the first 
time the minute filterable (virus) organisms ever have been 
seen. 

"The strongest microscope now in use can magnify between 
2000 and 2500 times. Dr. Rife, by an ingenious arrangement 
of lenses applying an entirely new optical principle and by 
introducing double quartz prisms and powerful illuminating 
lights, has devised a microscope with a lowest magnification 
of 5,000 times and a maximum working magnification of 
17,000 times. 

"The new microscope, scientists predict, also will prove a 
development of the first magnitude. Frankly dubious about the 
perfection of a microscope which appears to transcend the 
limits set by optic science. Dr. Johnson's guests expressed 
themselves as delighted with the visual demonstration and 
heartily accorded both Dr. Rife and Dr. Kendall a foremost 
place in the world's rank of scientists." 

Five days later, the Los Angeles Times published a photo 
of Rife and Kendall with the microscope. It was the first time 
a picture of the super microscope had appeared in public. The 
headline read, "The World's Most Powerful Microscope." 

Meanwhile, Rife and Kendall had prepared an article for 
the December 1 93 1 issue of California and Western Medicine. 
"Observations on Bacillus Typhosus in its Filtrable State" 
described what Rife and Kendall had done and seen. The jour- 
nal was the official publication of the state medical associa- 
tions of California, Nevada and Utah. 

The prestigious Science magazine then carried an article 
which alerted the scientific community of the entire nation. 
The December 11, 1931 Science News supplement included a 
section titled, "Filtrable Bodies Seen With The Rife Micro- 
scope." The article described Kendall's filtrable medium cul- 
ture, the turquoise blue bodies which were the filtered form 
of the typhoid bacillus, and Rife's microscope. It included the 
following description: 

'The light used with Dr. Rife's microscope is polarized, that 
is, it is passing through crystals that stop all rays except those 



44 



vibrating in one particular plane. By means of a double reflect- 
ing prism built into the instrument, it is possible to turn this 
plane of vibration in any desired direction, controlling the 
illumination of the minute objects in the field very exactly." 
On December 27, 1931, the Los Angeles Times reported 
that Rife had demonstrated the microscope at a meeting of 250 
scientists. The article explained, "This is a new kind of mag- 
nifier, and the laws governing microscopes may not apply to 
it. . . . Dr. Rife has developed an instrument that may 
revolutionize laboratory methods and enable bacteriologists, 
like Dr. Kendall, to identify the germs that produce about 50 
diseases whose causes are unknown . . . then to find ways 
and means of immunizing mankind against them." 

Soon Kendall was invited to speak before the Association 
of American Physicians. The presentation occurred May 3 and 
4, 1932 at Johns Hopkins University in Baltimore. And there 
Dr. Thomas Rivers and Hans Zinsser stopped the scientific 
process. Their opposition meant that the development of Rife' s 
discoveries would be slowed. Professional microbiologists 
would be cautious in even conceding the possibility that Rife 
and Kendall might have broken new ground. The depression 
was at its worst. The Rockefeller Institute was not orily a 
source of funding but powerful in the corridors of professional 
recognition. A great crime resulted because of the uninformed, 
cruel and unscientific actions of Rivers and Zinsser. 

The momentum was slowed at the moment when Rife's 
discoveries could have "broken out" and triggered a chain 
reaction of research, clinical treatment and the beginnings of 
an entirely new health system. By the end of 1932, Rife could 
destroy the typhus bacteria, the polio virus, the herpes virus, 
the cancer virus and other viruses in a culture and in experi- 
mental animals. Human treatment was only a step away. 

The opposition of Rivers and Zinsser in 1932 had a devas- 
tating impact on the history of 20th century medicine. (Zins- 
ser's Bacteriology in an updated version is still a standard 
textbook.) Unfortunately, there were few esteemed bac- 
teriologists who were not frightened or awed by Rivers. 

But there were two exceptions to this generally unheroie 
crowd. Christopher Bird's article "What Has Become Of The 



45 



Rife Microscope?" which appeared in die March 1976 New 

Age Journal, reports: 

"In the midst of the venom and aceibity the only colleague 
to come to Kendall's aid was the grand old man of bacteriol- 
ogy, and first teacher of the subject in the United States, Dr. 
William H. 'Popsy' Welch, who evidently IcKjked upon Ken- 
dall's work with some regard." 

Welch was the foremost pathologist in America atone time. 
The inedical library at Johns Hopkins University is named 
after him. He rose and said, "Kendall's observation marks a 
distinct advance in medicine." It did little good. By then Riv- 
ers and Zinsser were the powers in the field. 

Kendall's other supporter was Dr. Edward C. Rosenow of 
the Mayo Clinic's Division of Experimental Bacteriology. 
(The Mayo Clinic was then and is today one of the outstanding 
research and treatment clinics in the world. The Washington 
Post of January 6, 1987 wrote, "To many in the medical com- 
munity, the Mayo Clinic is 'the standard' against which ottier 
medical centers are judged.") On July 5-7, 1932, just two 
months after Kendall's public humiliation, the Mayo Clinic's 
Rosenow met with Kendall and Rife at Kendall's Laboratory 
at Northwestem University Medical School in Chicago. 

"The oval, motile, turquoise-blue virus were demonstrated 
and shown unmistakably," Rosenow declared in the "Proceed- 
ings of the Staff Meetings of the Mayo Clinic, July 13, 1932, 
Rochester, Minnesota." The virus for herpes was also seen. 
On August 26, 1932, Science magazine published Rosenow 's 
report, "Observations with the Rife Microscope of Filter Pass- 
ing Forms of Micro-organisms." 

In the article, Rosenow stated: 

"There can be no question of the filtrable turquoise blue 
bodies described by Kendall. They are not visible by the ordi- 
nary methods of illumination and magnification. . . . Exami- 
nation under the Rife microscope of specimens, containing 
objects visible with the ordinary microscope, leaves no doubt 
of the accurate visualization of objects or particulate matter by 
direct observation at the extremely high magnification (calcu- 
lated to be 8,000 diameters) obtained with this instrument." 



46 



Three days after departing from Rife in Chicago, Rosenow 
wrote to Rife from the Mayo Clinic: 

"After seeing what your wonderful microscope will do, and 
after pondering over the significance of what you revealed 
with its use during those three strenuous and memorable days 
spent in Dr. Kendall's laboratory, I hope you will take the 
necessary time to describe how you obtain what physicists 
consider the impossible. ... As I visualize the matter, your 
ingenious method of illumination with the intense mono- 
chromatic beam of light is of even greater importance than the 
enormously high magnification. ..." 

Rosenow was right. The unique "color frequency" staining 
method was the great breakthrough. Years later, after the arri- 
val of television, an associate of the then deceased Rife would 
explain, "The viruses were stained with the frequency of light 
just like colors are tuned in on television sets." It was the best 
non-technical description ever conceived. 

But in 1932, Rife was not interested in writing a scientific 
paper explaining the physics of his microscope, as Rosenow 
had hoped. Rife's meeting with Kendall had provided Rife 
with the "K Medium." And Rife knew what he wanted to do 
with it. He wanted to find the cancer virus. And that is exactly 
what he did in 1932. 



47 



Chapter 7 

"BX"-The Virus of Cancer 



Rife began using Kendall's "K Medium" in 1931 in his 
search for the cancer virus. In 1932, he obtained an unulcer- 
ated breast mass that was checked for malignancy from the 
Paradise Valley Sanitarium of National City, California. But 
the initial cancer cultures failed to produce the virus he was 
seeking. 

Then a fortuitous accident occurred. The May 11, 1938 
Evening Tribune of San Diego later described what happened: 

"But neither the medium nor the microscope were sufficient 
alone to reveal the fitter-passing organism Rife found in can- 
cers, he recounted. It was an added treatment which he found 
virtually by chance that finally made this possible, he related. 
He happened to test a tube of cancer culture within the circle 
of a tubular ring filled with argon gas activated by an electrical 
current, which he had been using in experimenting with elec- 
tronic bombardment of organisms of disease. His cancer cul- 
ture happened to rest there about 24 hours (with the cun-ent 
on the argon gas filled tube), and then he noticed (under the 
microscope) that its appearance seemed to have changed. He 
studied and tested this phenomenon repeatedly, and thus disco- 
vered (cancer virus) filter-passing, red-purple granules in the 
cultures." 

Later he perfected this procedure— cancer culture in "K 
Medium" followed by the argon treatment with the gas-filled 
tube lighted for 24 hours by a 5000 volt electric current. Then 
it was placed in a water bath with 2 inches of vacuum and 
incubated for 24 hours at 37.5 degrees Centigrade. Rife 
believed the gas-filled tube ionized the cancer culture and this 
was counteracted by the oxidation in the water vacuum. Some 
chemical constituents of the organism were so changed that it 



49 



was brought within tiie visible spectrum, as seen through 
Rife's microscope. 

The BX cancer virus was a distinct purplish red color. Rife 
had succeeded in isolating the filtrable virus of carcinoma. 

Rife's laboratory notes for November 20, 1932 contain the 
first written description of the cancer virus characteristics. 
Among them are two unique tp his njCthod of classification 
using the Rife microscope: 

angle of refraction 12-3/10 degrees 
color by chemical refraction purple-red 

When Rife copyrighted his discovery in 1953, the angle 
had changed to 12-3/ 16 degrees. Perfeaps that was his inteiit 
all along and the notes were hastily written. 

The size of the cancer virus was indeed small. The length 
was 1 / 15 of a micron. The breadth was 1 / 20 of a micron. No 
otxiinary light microscope, even in the 1980s, would be able 
to inyce the cancer virus visible. 

Rife and his laboratory assistant E. S. Free proceeded to 
confum his discovery. They repeated the method 104 consecu- 
tive times with identical results. 

In time, Rife was able to prove that the cancer micro- 
organism had 4 forms: 

1) BX (carcinoma) 

2) BY (sarcoma— larger than BX) 

3) Monococcoid form in the monocytes of the blood of 
over 90% of cancer patients. When properly stained, 
this form can be readily seen with a standard research 
microscope 

4) Crytomyces pleomorphia fungi— identical morphologi- 
cally to that of the orchid and of the mushroom 

Rife wrote in his 1953 book: "Any of these forms can be 
changed back to 'BX' within a period of 36 hours and will 
produce in the experimental animal a typical tumor with all 
the pathology of true neoplastic tissue, from which we can 
again recover the 'BX' micro-organism. This complete proc- 
ess has been duplicated over 300 times with identical and 
positive results." 



50 



Rife continued: "After one year, we take this same stock 
culture of dormant crytomyces pleomorphis fungi and plant it 
back on its own asparagus base media; there is no longer a 
crytomyces pleomorphia, no longer a monococcoid organism 
such as is found in the monocytes of blood, there is no longer 
a 'BX' or 'BY' form, but there is, from the initial virus iso- 
lated directly from an unulcerated human breast mass, a bacil- 
lus coli, that will pass any known laboratory methods of 
analysis." 

Rife had proved pleomorphism. He had shown how the 
cancer virus changes form, depending on its environment. He 
had confirmed the work of Bechamp, of Kendall, of Rosenow, 
of Welch and an army of pleomorphist bacteriologists who 
would come after him and have to battle the erroneous 
orthodox laws of Rivers and his legions of followers. 

Rife said, "In reality, it is not the bacteria themselves that 
produce the disease, but the chemical constituents of these 
micro-organisms enacting upon the unbalanced cell 
metabolism of the human body that in actuality produce the 
disease. We also believe if the metabolism of the human body 
is perfectly balanced or poised, it is susceptible to no disease." 

But Rife did not have time to argue theory. He would leave 
that for others. After isolating the cancer virus, his next step 
was to destroy it. He did this with his frequency instruments- 
over and over again. And then he did it with experimental 
animals, inoculating them, watching the tumors grow, and 
then killing the virus in their bodies with the same frequency 
instruments tuned to the same "BX" frequency. 

Rife declared in 1953: 

"These successful tests were conducted over 400 times with 
experimental animals before any attempt was made to use this 

frequency on human cases of carcinoma and sarcoma." 

By 1934, Rife was ready to use his frequency instrument 
on humans. He was ready to cure cancer. 



Note: Kendall's "K Medium" was used to grow cancer virus by 
scientists after the discovery that the virus would grow on it and that 
ionizing radiation would make the virus more virulent, growing the 



51 



tumors in weeks instead of months in a spirally wound "jriion giis 
loop" in which the test tubes of the culture would fit for 24 hours 
at a time. It was made from pig intestine finely desiccated to which 
a little salt (tyrode solution) was added. Rife discovered that pig 
meat and mushrooms were a natural cause of cancer in which the 
cancer virus liked to grow. Rife also discovened the cancer virus in 
(Hthids. 



52 



Chapter 8 

Forward Motion: 1933-1934 



Rife had isolated the cancer virus, but a mountain faced 
him. The filtration versus non-filtration argument prevented 
those in the field of bacteriology from charging in the direction 
that Rife, Kendall and Rosenow had shown. Instead, the bac- 
teriologists were squabbling, being skeptical and waiting to 
see which way the wind blew. The microscope experts also 
were standing on the sidelines. They had heard or read about 
the new Rife microscope, but only Rife and Kendall had one, 
and few knew a second microscope existed in Kendall's 
Chicago laboratory. Rife wasn't providing the professionals 
much information. He had his cancer virus to test and test and 
test. And he had a new,, more powerful microscope that he 
wanted to build. Johnson and others were seeking meetings, 
writing letters and asking for demonstrations. Rife was polite 
and helpful at times, but often just never answered his mail. 
The scientific problem of curing cancer demanded his full 
attention. 

And despite all the outside pressure in 1933, Rife did 
accomplish three major feats. He wrote a paper which pro- 
vided a clear direction for future bacteriologists. He continued 
his cancer research on cultures and guinea pigs— hundreds of 
them. And he built his new, super microscope. 

Rife's brief 1933 paper was titled, "Viruses and Rickettsia 
of Certain Diseases." A few significant passages are quoted: 

"The existing theories regarding the viruses are entirely 
unsatisfactory and sadly wanting of further elucidation. There- 
fore, we shall expound our theories at the outset with the hope 
that other workers may find them sufficiently basic to serve as 
an incentive for checking our observations. 



53 



"The writer has long entertained the assumption that it is 
possible to cultivate viruses on artificial media. . . . The suc- 
cessful results obtained in our initial experiments are on record 
in a joint publication by Dr. Kendall and myself. . . . The 
importance of that woik was indicated in a later report ... by 
E. C. Rosenow, M. D. . . . In this report were recorded the 
more important observations made during three days, July 5, 
6 and 7, 1932 in Dr. Kendall's laboratory at Northwestern 
University Medical School in Chicago. Assembled there to 
carry out the experiments were Dr. Kendall, Dr. Rosenow and 
myself. Owing to the novel and important character of the 
work, each of us verified at every step the results obtained. 

"The above mentioned reports serve to establish two impor- 
tant facts. First that it is possible to culture viruses artificially, - 
and second, that viruses are definitely visible under the Rife 
Universal Microscope." 

The microscope he built in 1933 was the largest and most 
powerful of the five he built. One was built in 1920, another 
in 1929, the "Universal" officially completed in 1933 although 
it may have been used in an uncompleted form in 1932 as the 
above report suggests, another microscope in 1934, and one 
in 1937 which was finally finished in 1952. Some parts fi-om 
pre-existing ones were used for later ones. While the 1929 
microscope was a "super" microscope compared to all other 
commercial microscopes, with a working magnification 
between 5,000 and 17,000 times, the "Universal" Microscope 
of 1933 possessed a resolution of 31,000 times and a magnifi- 
cation of 60,000 times (as described in the terms of the time) . 

An example of the power and clarity of Rife's microscopes 
compared to other light microscopes is provided by the Smith- 
sonian report of 1944: 

"In a recent demonstration of another of the smaller Rife 

scopes (May 16, 1942) before a group of doctors ... a Zeiss 
ruled grating was examined first under an ordinary commercial 
microscope equipped with a 1.8 high dry lens and x 10 ocu- 
lar, and then under the Rife microscope. Whereas 50 lines 
were revealed with the commercial instmment and considera- 
ble aberration, both chromatic and spherical noted, only 5 
lines were seen with the Rife scope, these 5 lines being so 
highly magnified that they occupied the entire field, without 
any aberration whatsoever being apparent. . . . Following the 



54 



examination of the grating, an ordinary unstained blood film 
was observed under the same two microscopes. In this 
instance, 100 cells were seen to spread throughout the field of 
the commercial instrument while but 10 cells filled the field 
of the Rife scope." 

While Rife was working, so was Dr. Milbank Johnson. Up 
to this point in time, he seemed to have a minor role— simply 
putting Rife and Kendall together, sponsoring a dinner, etc. 
But beginning in 1933, Johnson began to work and organize. 
He wrote letters. He informed important doctors of what was 
happening. And he started to plan for the treatment of people 
who had cancer. 

Rife was the pure scientist and undoubtedly a genius of the 
first order. Milbank Johnson was the political doctor in the 
best sense of the term. He was a man of the world and an 
unstoppable executive force. When the scientific honors are 
finally bestowed on the men who found the cure for cancer 
and brought it to the world, Dr. Milbank Johnson will be in 
the first row. 

Johnson in the next few years would send Rife numerous 
letters^informing him, advising him, telling him he was com- 
ing to visit and bringing so and so, prodding and subtly push- 
ing Rife. Even if Rife had wanted to avoid Johnson (which he 
did not), it probably would have been impossible. Johnson 
was an enormous force of nature— a social energy who, in his 
own way, was moving mountains. 

Johnson's letters indicate that Alvin Foord, the pathologist 
who later claimed he had little contact with or knowledge of 
what happened in the 1930s, was in fact deeply and personally 
involved. 

In July 1933, Johnson met Dr. Karl Meyer, the Director of 
the Hooper Foundation for Medical Research of the University 
of California in San Francisco. Meyer would later serve on 
the Special Medical Research Committee of the University of 
Southern California which sponsored the cancer clinic in 1934 
and the other clinics which followed. Years later Meyer would 
try to claim he had only visited Rife once and looked into his 
microscopes, not being sure of what he saw. The record 
clearly indicates a very different situation. In February 1934, 



55 



Johnson brought Meyer to San Diego to meet Rife. Johnson 
later wrote to Rife and Kendall about Meyer's reaction: 

To Kendall: "Dr. Meyer was most outspoken in his opinion, 
using such words as 'conclusive', 'most convincing', 'he is a 
wizard', and 'he is a genius.'" 

To Rife: "You made quite a tremendous impression on Dr. 
Meyer and I think the whole subject of filtrable bacteria and 
the microscope were advanced." 

In March 1934, Meyer wrote to Rife, "I ain still 'dreaming' 
about the many things you were kind enough to show me last 
Saturday. As soon as I can tear myself loose I will accept the 
privilege of coming back and bringing with me some of the 
agents which produce disease." 

In the years to come, the Hooper Foundation would be 
given a Rife microscope of its own, cancer cultures would be 
obtained from San Francisco surgeons, and motile colored 
bodies, "presumably your BX," would be reported to Johnson 
by Dr. E. L. Walker of the Hooper Foundation, working under 
Dr. Meyer. Meyer was another non-hero when the AMA and 
government pressure was imposed. He later served on national 
medical committees with Dr. Rivers of the Rockefeller Insti- 
tute and Morris Fishbein of the AMA. But by then he was 
very silent about the cancer research in which he participated 
in the 1930s. 

In 1933 and 1934, Meyer was one of the growing circle of 
influential doctors whom Johnson was cultivating as he pre- 
pared to organize his credentialed committee to oversee a 
cancer cure and then bring it to the world. 

Johnson was also vigorously defending the filtration theory. 
When Dr. William J. Robbins of the University of Missouri 
reported in a Science News letter that "one as yet unsettled 
question about viruses is whether or not they actually are living 
organisms," Johnson wrote to him and referred him to the 
articles by Kendall, Rife and Rosenow. He also put himself 
on record: 

"I have seen with Dr. Karl Meyer of the University of 
California the filter passing forms of such diseases as hog 
cholera, psittacosis, and a very infectious disease of chickens 



56 



affecting their throat. ... It seems strange to me that others 
are having difficulty first— in producing the filter passing 
organisms; and second— that there should be the least doubt 
about their existence, form, characteristics, or size when they 
are so easy to obtain and so easy to determine. ... I feel quite 
sure that Dr. Kendall in Chicago who has the Rife microscope 
nearest to you will verify what I have said and show you these 
for yourself." 

But while Johnson was willing to serve as a frontline soldier 
in the filtration war, his true role was as a general in the cancer 
war. In the Spring of 1934, he rented the "ranch" of a member 
of the famous Scripps family of the Scripps Oceanographic 
Institute. The ranch in La JoUa outside San Diego was to be 
used as a clinic for the first treatment of cancer victims using 
the Rife Frequency Instrument. 

Johnson was moving, pushing and manipulating. He wrote 
to Kendall on April 2, 1934, "I hope you and Gertrude will 
be able to spend your vacation in La Jolla this year. . . . It is 
going to take all the ingenuity of a Rife and Kendall plus the 
little help that a poor M.D. like myself can give before we are 
going to be able to crack this nut. But we are going to crack 
it if we have to drop it from a height of ten miles." 

Then Johnson exposed his own driving motive: 

"You don't know how hard it is for me to keep my shirt on 
in this whole proposition because I can't help but see in my 
mind's eye the tens of thousands of discouraged, hopeless, 
suffering individuals dying by inches with cancer who might 
be saved. Of course I know that you and Rife are interested 
in this thing from a pure science standpoint, but unfortunately, 
my training has been largely mixed with the humanities and it 
is real sickening to see the suffering and hopelessness of the 
victims of this terrible disease." 

At the same time, Johnson began "prepping" Rife for the 
upcoming clinic. On the second page of a letter to Rife in 
early April 1934, just a few months before the cancer clinic 
was to get underway, Johnson wrote what may become an 
immortal scientific paragraph: 

"Incidentally, 1 am thinking about taking a house in La Jolla 
from June 15 to September 15. If by that time you get far 



57 



enough along in your woric, I would like to try your method 
on a human being or so." 

On April 30, 1934, Johnson again wrote to Rife: 

"Can't you meet me about 11:30 in La Jolla next Saturday. 
I want to show you the Library Building and get your opinion 
of it before I say anything to the people at the Scripps Clinic 
about it as a place for our Clinic this Summer." 



58 



Chapter 9 

The Cancer Cure Works! 



The full story of the cancer clinic of 1934 may never be 
known. Rife's records were lost when he foolishly loaned 
them to Dr. Arthur Yale a few years later. Yale had started 
his own clinic and apparently wanted to compare notes. After 
Rife learned that Dr. Yale was altering the Frequency Instru- 
ment and thus failing to get results, Rife and Yale had an 
argument which marked a permanent separation. More dis- 
turbing is that after AMA pressure forced a law suit against 
the production company making the Frequency Instruments, 
many of the doctors who were involved became exceedingly 
cautious. And after Milbank Johnson's death, the records at 
the University of Southern California "mysteriously disap- 
peared." 

But pieces of evidence do exist and while the clinical 
records are gone, there is sufficient documentation to know 
that astounding results did take place and that the Special 
Medical Research Committee did continue to exist. The list- 
ings under the name of Milbank Johnson in Who's Who for 
1944-45 (Johnson died October 3, 1944) include: 

"Professor physiology and clinical medicine. University of 
Southern California 1897 1901, now Chairman special medi- 
cal research committee of the university." 

Until Johnson's death in 1944, he was still actively the 
head of the committee. For 10 years from its creation in 1934, 
Johnson's University of Southern California Medical Research 
Committee was in existence. Given the fact that testimonials 
exist describing what occurred and that Johnson ran his own 
clinic from 1935 to 1938, there is no reason to believe— as 
later was implied by the AMA and the California State Public 



59 



Health agency— that the existence of a successful cancer cure 
in 1934 using the Frequency Instrument was a myth. Docu- 
ments show the clinic existed and succeeded in curing cancer. 
And doctors who continued treating seriously ill people with 
success because of what the Frequency Instrument 
accomplished in 1934 tell the real story, as do the signed 
reports from cured cancer patients in later years. 

Johnson eventually handed his authority over to Dr. James 
Couche of San Diego. Couche was not a heavyweight in 
California medical circles as was Johnson. It was a poor choice 
if the goal was to move the medical profession toward ac- 
ceptance and widespread use of Rife's new healing technol- 
ogy. The result was total failure. But Couche was the right 
choice if the standard was to choose a man who would not 
quit or knuckle under to the AM A. Couche used the Frequency 
Instrument for 22 years and reported for the record— if only 
briefly— on his continued success with a Frequency Instrument 
that stayed calibrated as Rife insisted it had to be if it was to 
destroy the pathologic micro-organisms in people. 

But all that lay ahead. In the summer of 1934, 16 terminally 
ill people with cancer and other diseases were brought to the 
Scripps "ranch." There, as Rife and the doctors worked on 
human beings for the first time, they learned much. The early 
patients were exposed to the frequency for only 3 minutes, but 
Rife soon learned that if a treatment was given every day, 
the toxins from the dead micro-organisms accumulated faster 
than the body could dispose of them. When he switched to a 
treatment of 3 minutes every 3rd day, the patients began heal- 
ing swiftly. 

In 1953 when Rife copyrighted his book, he made the real 
report of what happened in 1934. Anyone who has examined 
his life, his patience, his scientific commitment, and the cor- 
rectness of his filtration studies (which are now being verified 
by bacteriologists who never heard his name) must consider 
that his own scientific report of the 1934 cancer clinic carries 
some weight. He wrote: 

"With the frequency instrument treatment, no tissue is 
destroyed, no pain is felt, no noise is audible, and no sensation 
is noticed. A tube lights up and 3 minutes later the treatment 



60 



is completed. The virus or bacteria is destroyed and the body 
then recovers itself naturally from the toxic effect of the virus 
or bacteria. Several diseases may be treated simultaneously. 

"The first clinical work on cancer was completed under the 
supervision of Milbank Johnson, M.D. which was set up under 
a Special Medical Research Committee of the University of 
Southern California. 16 cases were treated at the clinic for 
many types of malignancy. After 3 months, 14 of these so- 
called hopeless cases were signed off as clinically cured by 
the staff of five medical doctors and Dr. Alvin G. Foord, 
M.D. Pathologist for the group. The treatments consisted of 3 
minutes duration using the frequency instrument which was 
set on the mortal oscillatory rate for 'BX' or cancer (at 3 day 
intervals). It was found that the elapsed time between treat- 
ments attains better results than the cases treated daily. This 
gives the lymphatic system an opportunity to absorb and cast 
off the toxic condition which is produced by the devitalized 
dead particles of the 'BX' virus. No rise of body temperature 
was perceptible in any of these cases above normal during or 
after the frequency instrument treatment. No special diets were 
used in any of this clinical work, but we sincerely believe that 
a proper diet compiled for the individual would be of benefit." 

Date: December I, 1953 
Written by R. R. Rife 

Other members of the clinic were Whalen Morrison, Chief 

Surgeon of the Santa Fe Railway, George C. Dock, M.D., 
internationally famous, George C. Fischer, M.D., Children's 
Hospital in New York, Arthur I. Kendall, Dr. Zite, M.D., 
professor of pathology at Chicago University, Rufus B. Von 
Klein Schmidt, President of the University of Southern 
California. 

Dr. Couche and Dr. Carl Meyer, Ph.D., head of the Depart- 
ment of Bacteriological Research at the Hooper Foundation in 

San Francisco were also present. Dr. Kopps of the Metabolic 
Clinic in La Jolla signed all 14 reports and knew of all the 
tests from his personal observation. 

A week after the clinic ended, Kendall wrote to Mrs. 
Bridges, wife of Rife's original sponsor: 

"This afternoon (September 20, 1934) I have a meeting 
with Mr. Hardin, President of the Board of Trustees of the 



61 



University; he is much interested in Roy and his splendid 
work, and I shall be asked to tell what I saw during my very 
brief visit to California. Mr. Hardin, unlike many persons, is 
very friendly, and will take the proper view of the work: that 
it is experimental so far, done with no rules of the game to go 
by, and with a machine that is designed for small output, and 
therefore, not capable of showing its full worth. I understand 
there is to be a new machine, embodying the facts learned 
from the old one, and built along more lusty lines so its output 
will be more nearly equal to the demands which should be put 
upon it. I have written to Dr. Johnson telling him about the 
one case I can talk intelligently about: Tom Knight. Roy will 
tell you about Tom: he seems to me to be the most important 
case of the entire series because his tumor was on the cheek, 
where it could be seen, watched and measured from the start 
to the finish. This I have done, reciting the actual measure- 
ments, and details of treatment and of pathological examina- 
tion." 

One year later on September 18, 1935, Milbank Johnson 
wrote to Dr. Thomas Burger and Dr. C. Ray Launsbeny of 
San Diego: 

"This will introduce to you Mr. Thomas Knight. He was 
the man who had the carcinoma over the malar bone of his 
left cheek that we treated at the clinic in La Jolla last year." 

In 1956, Dr. James Couche made the following declaration: 

"I would like to make this historical record of the amazing 
scientific wonders regarding the efficacy of the frequencies of 
the Royal R. Rife Frequency Instrument. . . . 

"When I was told about Dr. Rife and his frequency instm- 
ment at the Ellen Scripps home near the Scripps Institute 
Annex some twenty-two years ago, I went out to see about it 
and became very interested in the cases which he had there. 
And the thing that brought me into it more quickly than any- 
thing was a man who had a cancer of the stomach. Rife was 
associated at that time with Dr. Milbank Johnson, M.D., who 
was then president of the Medical Association of Los Angeles, 
a very wealthy man and a very big man in the medical worid— 
the biggest in Los Angeles and he had hired this annex for this 
demonstration over a summer of time. 

"In that period of time I saw many things and the one that 
impressed me the most was a man who staggered onto a table. 



62 



just on the last end of cancer; he was a bag of bones. As he 
lay on the table, Dr. Rife and Dr. Johnson said, 'Just feel that 
man's stomach.' So I put my hand on the cavity where his 
stomach was underneath and it was just a cavity almost, 
because he was so thin; his backbone and his belly were just 
about touching each other. 

"I put my hand on his stomach which was just one solid 
mass, just about what I could cover with my hand, somewhat 
like the shape of a heart. It was absolutely solid! And I thought 
to myself, well, nothing can be done for that. However, they 
gave him a treatment with the Rife frequencies and in the 
course of time over a period of six weeks to two months, to 
my astonishment, he completely recovered. He got so well 
that he asked permission to go to El Centre as he had a farm 
there and he wanted to see about his stock. Dr. Rife said, 
'Now you haven't the strength to drive to El Centre' 

'"Oh, yes' said he. 'I have, but I'll have a man to drive me 
there.' As a matter of fact, the patient drove his own car there 
and when he got down to El Centro he had a sick cow and he 
stayed up all night with it. The next day he drove back without 
any rest whatsoever— so you can imagine how he had recov- 
ered. 

"I saw other cases that were very interesting. Then I wanted 
a copy of the frequency instrument. I finally bought one of 
these frequency instruments and established it in my office. 

"I saw some very remarkable things resulting from it in the 
course of over twenty years. 

"I had a Mexican boy, nine years of age, who had 
osteomyelitis of the leg. He was treated at the Mercy Hospital 
by his attending doctors. They scraped the bone every week. 
It was agonizing to the child because they never gave him 
anything; they just poked in there and cleaned him out and the 
terror of that boy was awful. He wore a splint and was on 
crutches. His family brought him to the office. He was terrified 
that I would poke him as the other doctors had done. 1 reas- 
sured him and demonstrated the instrument on my own hand 
to show him that it would not hurt. With the bandage and 
splint still on he was given a treatment. In less than two weeks 
of treatment the wound was completely healed and he took off 
his splints and threw them away. He is a great big powerful 
man now and has never had any comeback of his 
osteomyelitis. He was completely cured. There were many 
cases such as this." 



63 



In December 1935, Dr. Johnson wrote a confidential letter 
to Dr. Mildred Schram, Secretary of the International Cancer 
Research Foundation in Philadelphia. In that letter, Johnson 
explained why the records of the 1934 cancer clinic were 
sketchy: 

'The clinic was opened and run by me to satisfy me person- 
ally whether the Rife Ray would destroy pathogenic organisms 
in vivo as well as in vitro. The latter we had repeatedly 
demonstrated in the laboratory. I had to have this information 
conclusively positive before I could recommend to my friends 
to get in behind the work to carry it to a logical conclusion. 
Having no nurses or secretaries in La JoUa, the records, while 
truthful, are more or less fragmentary and not kept for careful 
scrutiny by brother scientists. As I told you, when 1 started 
this work I intended to finance it through to the end. The only 
assistance that I expected to get was such cooperation as I 
might receive from other physicians in working with the 
Microscope and the Ray. 

"Now that we have to convince a whole lot of other men 
from cold turkey, we shall have to turn over a new leaf and 
do our woric subject to inspection by others." 

So the success story of 1934, while true as attested by 
Rife's written record, Couche's story of the incredible recov- 
ery by the farmer, and Kendall- Johnson's correspondence on 
the man with the neck tumor, also was unsatisfactory in terms 
of providing documented medical reports for other scientists. 
The 1934 clinic was a first, tentative, experimental step. They 
leamed that treatment was best given every third day. They 
realized that they would have to keep better records. They 
recognized that the Frequency Instrument would have to be 
improved. 

But they did cure cancer. And when it is realized how 
quickly radiation therapy was financed and the machines put 
into hospitals (with such meager results), the tragedy of not 
being able to finance mass production of Rife's Frequency 
Instrument can be appreciated in its full horror. 

If Milbank Johnson was wracked by the thought of tens of 
thousands suffering in the 1930s, he'd be staggered by the 
460,0(X) Americans now dying every ye^r and the 900,000 
Americans every year who leam that they have cancer. And 



64 



he'd be broken by the sight of "treatment" with chemotherapy, 
radiation and surgery. As Rife had shown, the cancer BX 
changed form. If all its forms weren't destroyed, the cancer 
micro-organism could find another environment in a weakened 
body and start anew. The tragic legacy of the Bechamp failure 
with Pasteur and the Rife-Kendall failure with Rivers would 
come back to haunt humanity with a grim vengeance. 



65 



Chapter 10 

1935: Climbing A Mountain 



In a letter dated October 15, 1935, Dr. Milbank Johnson 
explained to a cancer foundation why Rife and he couldn't 
stop their work and do special tests which the foundation 
wanted: 

"From what I have said I don't want you to jump to the 
conclusion that we are not interested in your side of the prob- 
lem because we are, but with the limited means at our disposal 
we don't Hke to break into our planned procedure at this most 
interesting juncture of the work. You know in mountain climb- 
ing better progress is made to keep going up and up all the 
time. If you stop and go back every once in awhile, you are 
very apt to wear yourself out and waste your energies and 
never reach the top. This is about all I can say until I have 
discussed the matter fully with Mr. Rife." 

Indeed 1935 was a year of mountain climbing. Rife built 
new, more accurate frequency instruments. He began planning 
a new laboratory. He built a smaller microscope which could 
be mass produced. Research continued. The second clinic was 
opened. Visitors came— a well-known cancer expert, a repre- 
sentative from the cancer foundation, an associate of Dr. 
Meyer at the Hooper Foundation in San Francisco who had to 
be trained so that the Rife experiments could be independently 
verified. 

And always there was pressure to announce the findings. 
Newall Jones of the San Diego Evening Tribune had written 
Rife a letter in September 1934 and talked to him on the 
telephone after Jones discovered what was going on at the 
1934 cancer clinic. He promised to handle the story carefully 
and, with Rife, to plan the story in advance. Jones fully under- 
stood the significance of what Rife was doing. Jones: 



67 



"If your research comes to a successful conclusion, it would 
not only constitute a remarkable contribution to medicine and 
science— that goes without saying— but, because of its impor- 
tance to all humanity, would quite naturally be a great news 
story. Naturally, we would like to get that story." 

Jones would have to wait three and a half years, but in May 
1938 he would write the clearest explanations of the Rife dis- 
coveries which would ever appear in a newspaper. 

In early March 1935, Johnson received a letter from the 
International Cancer Research Foundation in Philadelphia. 
There were many questions they wanted answered, plus photo- 
graphs of the laboratory, and photographs of the microscope. 
From this communication began a series of exchanges, propos- 
als and visits which ultimately produced nothing. In retros- 
pect, part of the failure can be seen as simple human misun- 
derstanding, but the time wasted over the next year and a half 
can also be judged as the fault of pettiness, arrogance and 
narrow-minded obstinacy on the part of the International 
Cancer Research Foundation, particularly its rigid Secretary, 
Dr. Mildred Schram. The Foundation was in a position to 
fund Rife in such a way that major advances could have 
quickly resulted. Instead, they argued for tests which were not 
relevant. They wasted Rife's time by having him make a 
demonstration in Philadelphia the next year, and then they 
failed to keep their agreement on the techniques he showed 
them, instead insisting on their own— which mined the proce- 
dure. In their example also lies one of the dilenunas of modem 
research. The experts have their own way of doing things. The 
great scientist who is an outsider is looked down upon by the 
"authorities"— those with the "credentials." The goal of curing 
cancer becomes secondary. The existing procedures take 
precedence. 

In the exchanges between Johnson and the International 
Cancer Research Foundation can be seen the institutional strait 
jackets which also bind modem scientists. With 460,000 
Americans dying of cancer every year, the widest variety of 
cancer treatments should be encouraged. Unfortunately, such 
a program would encroach on the territory and the financial 
income of the established "experts." 



68 



By June 1935 the International Cancer Foundation reported 
to Johnson that four insurance companies were interested in 
financing Rife if the foundation gave its approval. The foun- 
dation asked to send its representative to visit Rife's labora- 
tory. 

Dr. Mildred Schram, Secretary of the Foundation, arrived 
at the end of July 1935, but it was a hurried visit because of 
her other West Coast commitments. Johnson wrote back to 
her in September: "The next time you come I hope you will 
not be loaded down with any other duties so that you can give 
your undivided attention to our work. Dr. Walker, who is an 
expert in his line, spent three weeks familiarizing himself with 
our technique and the microscope, so, in the short time you 
had it was impossible for you to get more than a smattering 
idea of what we are driving at." 

Schram replied that she expected Rife to cultivate and iden- 
tify the causes of the disease in mice she had shipped to Rife. 
It was as if they were to pass an examination ! Johnson wrote 
back that they were completing the new frequency instru- 
ments, had focused for years on the cancer virus in humans 
and couldn't be expected to undertake the kind of work the 
foundation expected— identifying the cancer micro-organisms 
in different mice. Johnson declared: 

"Trying to cultivate strange germs and identify them in 
malignant tissue is just about as difficult and tedious a job as 
one can undertake and does not want interruption if a worth- 
while job is to be done. We could not at that particular time 
have followed out your instructions and desires even if we had 
understood them." 

But William H. Donner, President of the International 

Cancer Research Foundation, had become "deeply interested" 
in Rife and his discoveries. So Schram stayed in contact. 
Nevertheless, she insisted on the test she had designed. 
In mid-October 1935, Johnson tried again to explain: 

"I don't think you can really appreciate what it means to 
culture three unknown organisms, if there are that many, 
ascertain the M.O.R. (Mortal Oscillatory Rate) for each of 
them, and later on to take a series of animals and attempt to 
destroy that organism. As you know, our work thus far has 



69 



been devoted exclusively to human cancer, and a single 
organism which we have found up to this time always present 
in human cancer has taken a tremendous lot of time already 
to study the life history and the life cycle of that one. I am not 
sure that Mr. Rife or our Committee would wish to drop that 
work and undertake this much larger problem of studying the 
different hyperplasias and tumors that might occur in different 
strains of mice which may or may not have a relation to human 
carcinoma." 

Johnson suggested that the foundation President William 
Donner take his winter vacation in San Diego instead of 
Bermuda or Florida. But Donner was neither a doctor nor a 
bacteriologist. He was a steel executive, bank trustee and cor- 
porate mogul. Schram was the professional power at the 
foundation. She wrote back immediately stating her tests were 
necessary if the foundation was to put up any money. She 
insisted that they do the tests as she specified. 

In December 1935, Schram informed Johnson that action 
had been deferred on his grant request. But she relented on 
her test. The possibilities of Rife's cure were too important to 
dismiss on her personal whim, especially when so many 
experts— bacteriologists, doctors and microscopists— were 
talking about Rife's work. So, instead of her test, she asked 
for detailed information on the cancer clinic of 1934, insisting 
that the well-known Dr. Dock of Johnson's Special Research 
Committee provide it. If the material provided was sufficient, 
she indicated, a grant might be forthcoming. She then also 
admitted that her tests really weren't necessary once the 
research grant was bestowed. They had been required previ- 
ously only to get the grant! Exactly 9 months had passed, most 
of that time wasted because of Schram 's narrow-minded in- 
sistence on a procedure of her design. 

Johnson's exasperation showed in his reply. He explained 
the kind of clinical records that did exist and pushed for a 
simpler solution— a foundation representative in Rife's labora- 
tory for a few weeks. Johnson: 

"You are right in protecting your funds from waste. But, I 
still think that a properly qualified scientist or clinician could 
learn more in two weeks by actually trying the things himself 
than he can learn by correspondence in a year." 



70 



Nevertheless, Johnson did manage to get Rife to describe 
the Frequency Instrument and he did call a meeting of the 
Special Medical Research Committee of the University of 
Southern California. Dr. Dock would be leaving a week later 
for a trip around the world, so it is assumed that some state- 
ment of the full committee, including Dock, was Johnson's 
goal— in order that the foundation could have a basis for a 
grant. However, after another year of correspondence and 
meetings, nothing would come of the effort. 

The interaction with the International Cancer Research 
Institute was only one element of Johnson's and Rife's "moun- 
tain climb" in 1935. Far more important was the visit from O. 
Cameron Gruner, a well-known cancer researcher from 
Montreal. Gruner would bring his own discovery just as Ken- 
dall had done in 1 93 1 , and Rife would take Gruner' s discovery 
and join it with Kendall's and his own. The result would be 
another breakthrough. 

Gruner had taken blood from his cancer patients and from 
it, on an Asparagus Medium, had grown a fungus. Rife put 
Dr. Gruner's fungus in the "K Medium" and then filtered from 
it Rife's own "BX" virus. He then put some of his earlier BX 
on Gruner's Asparagus Medium and brought forth Gruner's 
fungus. Another form of the cancer micro-organism had been 
isolated— a fungus! 

Rife now had a solid base for pleomorphism. Not only 
could the BX virus live on an artificial medium, but the BX 
could change into another form in the blood (the monococcoid 
form in the monocytes of the blood of over 90% of cancer 
patients) and then into still another form— a crytomyces 
pleomorphia fungus. 

Rife conclusively stated in his 1953 report: "This BX virus 
can be readily changed into different forms of its life cycle by 
the media upon which it is grown." 

In 1937, Milbank Johnson wrote a letter describing what 
Dr. Gruner and Royal Rife had discovered in May-June 1935: 

"Dr. Gruner was present at all the experiments and we 
agreed--I think beyond a doubt— that our BX and the organism 
which he obtained from the blood, although in a different form 
from our BX, are one and the same organism. It looks, there- 



71 



fore, as if we know how to produce at will, by means of the 
appropriate culture, any one of the three forms desired." 

Dr. Schram at the International Cancer Research Institute 
was informed of this discovery. Part of the proposed grant was 
to be used to bring Dr. Gruner to San Diego for a year to work 
alongside Rife. Schram referred in one letter to tiie "Gruner- 
Johnson-Rife organism." In light of Dr. Gruner's reputation 
in cancer research and the discovery resulting from his exper- 
iments with Rife, Schram 's prolonged insistence on a test of 
her design, which she later admitted was not central to the 
grant, demonstrates how the "system" then and today often 
operates: on the basis of personal priorities disguised as profes- 
sional requirements. 

In May 1935, Johnson also began looking for a location in 
Los Angeles for a new clinic. It presented a bit of a problem 
because the electric current had to be 60 cycles for the new 
Frequency Instrument. Finally the Santa Fe Hospital at 610 
South Saint Louis Street on a comer with East Sixth Street in 
Los Angeles was chosen. The clinic opened the first week of 
November 1935 with Johnson in charge. Treatments were 
given two days a week, and this time Johnson was keeping 
careful clinical records. 

The new Frequency Instrument was finished in September 
1935. Rife, his new assistant Philip Hoyland, his earlier as- 
sistant Jack Free, and Milbank Johnson then put the new 
machine into operation. Johnson explained the process: 

"The new Rife Ray Machine had arrived at its point of 
construction when elaborate tests had to be made in order to 
synchronize the M.O.R. produced by it with the M.O.R. pro- 
duced by the old machine. Now, we are in the throes of accu- 
rately charting the 14,000 possible settings on the new 
machine. Our next process, beginning next week, is to test its 
penetration, the time required in the different exposures, the 
different depths of lesions. So, take it altogether we are just 
about as busy as a bear in berrytime." 

Later that year, Rife provided a brief description of the 
Frequency Instrument, presumably because of the Founda- 
tion's request: 

"The basic principle of this device is the control of a desired 



72 



frequency. These frequencies varying upon the organism being 
treated. 

"The frequency is set which controls the initial oscillator, 
which in turn is run through six stages of amplification, the 
last stage driving a 50 watt output tube. 

"The frequency with its carrier wave is transmitted into an 
output tube similar to the standard X ray tube, but filled with 
a different inert gas. This tube acts as a directional antenna. 

"The importance in the variable control of these frequencies 
is that each pathogenic organism being treated is of a different 
chemical constituency, the consequence being they carry a 
different molecular vibratory rate. Each one in turn under these 
conditions requires a different frequency or vibratory rate to 
destroy." 

The new instrument was light-socket powered and had an 
output of 500 watts. Furthermore, it was equipped to deliver 
two distinct frequencies simultaneously and both variable. 
This apparatus proved to be more efficient with decidedly 
fewer factors of error. 

Rife also— amazing as it seems given everything else occur- 
ring in his life— built a new, smaller microscope. While the 
"Universal" microscope of 1933 cost between $30,000- 
$35,000 to construct, according to Johnson, the 1935 micro- 
scope was theoretically priced to be Sold at $1,000 or less. 
The purpose was to make many of the smaller microscopes 
available to research laboratories. The new microscope still 
had a magnification range of 10,000 times to 15,000 times- 
far beyond what the "best" light microscopes available could 
do. 

Then there was Dr. Walker's visit of three weeks. This 
occurred in August after his boss. Dr. Karl Meyer, had estab- 
lished the training session when Meyer visited Rife on June 
28, 1935. Walker learned about the laboratory procedures, 
about the "BX" virus (carcinoma), about the "BY" virus (sar- 
coma), and about the Rife microscope. He then returned to 
San Francisco to work with Dr. Karl Meyer at the Hooper 
Foundation. Later, he was provided a Rife microscope of his 
own. 

In October 1935, Dr. Walker wrote: 

"The copy of the results of your test of the Rife ray on 



73 



typhoid organisms would appear to establish conclusively the 
efficiency of it to kill these organisms in the tissues. If the ray 
should prove equally efficient in killing other pathogenic 
micro-organisms, it would be the greatest discovery in the 
history of therapeutic medicine." 

Walker soon found that his work would be far more difficult 
than he originally envisioned. He eventually would isolate a 
BX on his own with old antiquated equipment provided by 
Rife, but not before he experienced shock at the lack of sup- 
port he received from his colleagues. One of his letters in late 
1935 referred to his being held up by a mercenary person. 
Another letter tells how the surgeons in San Francisco 
wouldn't cooperate— they wouldn't provide any cancer tis- 
sues! 

And throughout 1935, Johnson was keeping an eye on some 
of the patients from the 1934 cancer clinic. In May he wrote 
Rife and asked him to visit Tom Knight, the patient whose 
healing had so impressed Arthur Kendall and whose tumor 
Kendall had measured so carefully. Johnson to Rife: "You 
will find Tom's address on your copy of his case record. I 
want you to have a look at old Tom yourself and see whether 
there is any recurrence of the cancer, either on the face or in 
the glands, also, look at his lip." 

In October, Johnson wrote Rife's assistant to look up the 
M.O.R. for the disease they treated in another 1934 patient, 
Wayne Grayson. Johnson explained he had the man's clinical 
record, but he had failed to record the M.O.R. at the time of 
treatment. 

As the year ended, the Special Medical Research Commit- 
tee of the University of Southern California met to analyze the 
progress. The meeting was held on December 26 in Los 
Angeles. 

And indeed the progress of 1936 was phenomenal— a new 
Frequency Instrument, a new microscope, a second clinic 
underway, the historic discovery with Dr. Gruner of Montreal, 
the training of Dr. Walker of San Francisco. Only the fiasco 
with the International Cancer Research Foundation marred the 
"going up and up all the time" as Rife, Johnson and their 
gathering band attacked the mountain. 



74 



Chapter 11 

1936: "Astounding" Clinic Results 



Sometime in early 1936 William Donner, the President of 
the International Cancer Research Foundation, visited Rife and 
Johnson. He was impressed by what he saw and wanted his 
colleagues in Philadelphia to witness a demonstration. Rife 
agreed to travel east in the spring and show them how to filter 
a BX cancer virus. 

Also in early 1936, Johnson and Henry Timken, Rife's 
original sponsor, completed agreements to build the wonderful 
laboratory Rife had so long envisioned. The ground was bro- 
ken in April and Rife moved in during the latter part of July. 

Rife and Philip Hoyland began revising the Frequency 
Instrument in the early months of 1936, eliminating parts 
which had been made obsolete by recent advances in elec- 
tronics. During that summer they produced an entirely new 
method of generating the desired frequencies. Among the nevv^ 
test appliances they created was a nine inch Cathode-Ray 
oscillograph of high sensitivity, built for the purpose of photo- 
graphing the different frequencies on motion picture film. This 
enabled them to study and classify the numerous waves in ari 
entirely new way. 

In April Rife traveled to San Francisco to help Dr. Walker 
get his test procedures refined. On May 1 , he left for Chicago 
where he attended an electronics convention. From there he 
traveled to Louisville where an eye doctor examined him and 
restricted his daily use of the microscope to two hours. On 
May 9, 1936, he arrived in Philadelphia for the fateful meeting 
with the International Cancer Research Foundation. What fol- 
lowed belongs in the category of tragic fiascos. 

In February of the next year, Johnson wrote to Dr. Edward 



75 



Archibald, Canada's most renowned cancer specialist and an 
associate of Dr. Gruner who had collaborated with Rife in the 
Spring of 1935. Johnson described to Dr. Archibald what Rife 
encountered in Philadelphia during his May 1936 demonstra- 
tion: 

"Rife reported that they provided him with six or seven 
tumors without any pathological report whatsoever on any of 
them. He examined them microscopically and found that all 
but three had been heavily rayed with X-ray or had been 
treated with radium. The three which had not been treated, he 
planted and irradiated in the argon tube in accordance with our 
■7 technique. In each case, he obtained the characteristic BX. 

They insisted upon keeping some of the material so obtained 
and said they were going to try to produce cancers in animals 
of their own. We have never been notified whether or not they 
did so. The atmosphere in which Mr. Rife found himself was 
one of extreme skepticism. They were urged not to try to 
reproduce these experiments without first learning our 
techniques by actual experience, but were determined to go 
ahead, and if they did so, they probably failed." 

On May 22, 1936, William Donner wrote to Johnson and 
told him no grant would be forthcoming for at least 100 days 
or so, thereby breaking the promise he had given Johnson and 
Rife at the beginning of the year. Johnson's reply on May 27 
is an anguished plea for the Foundation to finance Dr. Gruner 
for a period of time at Rife's side in San Diego instead of 
paying an inexperienced clinician in Philadelphia to try 
replicating Rife's procedures. The plea fell on deaf ears, but 
is worth quoting at some length. It exemplifies how one man's 
clear thinking (in this case Johnson's) may be more important 
in accomplishing a research goal than all the prestige, careful 
procedures and credentialed expertise that an important foun- 
dation can organize. Johnson wrote: 

"Your letter came as a great disappointment to me. 1 had 
thought from what you told me in the winter, that we might 

hope for an immediate grant if Mr. Rife was able to show to 
your man the BX taken from human carcinoma and the method 
by which the organism was grown. 

"I understood you to say that you felt so strongly about it 
that if Mr. Rife were successful, you yourself would be willing 



76 



to give Dr. Gruner's services for a year if your Board, which 
did not believe in the bacterial origin of cancer, was unwilling 
to make the grant. 

"You secured Dr. Dodge who, I agree, is one of the finest 
mycologists in America. He worked every minute, step by 
step, with Mr. Rife. Notes were taken of every detail of each 
day's work, and these notes were signed daily by both Dr. 
Dodge and Mr. Rife. This shows how entirely frank Mr. Rife 
was in showing every minute step of the process to Dr. Dodge. 

"As this same organism has been repeatedly found by us 
and also by Dr. Arthur I. Kendall in Chicago, and now in 
Philadelphia, you and your board can surely assume that if not 
the sole cause of cancer, it is at least constantly present in that 
disease. So far as we know, no other research group has gone 
so far. 

"A delay until October is almost tragic at this stage of the 
work. Dr. Gruner has had invitations to go elsewhere, but has 
waited to see if we could secure the grant to carry on the work, 
as he believes we are further along than any other research 
group. 

"In delaying until October, are you not demanding from us 
more than from a research organization? We cannot prove 
these points without further research and we have always 
understood that the organizations to which you have already 
given grants are merely research organizations. 

"You say that you are selecting a man in Philadelphia to 
carry on the inoculating and the growing of the organisms 
from human cancer during Dr. Dodge's absence. Perhaps you 
do not realize that it is impossible to handle filter-passing 
forms of bacteria without a microscope which shows them. 
Only by this means can the work be properly checked from 
day to day. 

"As you undoubtedly must pay the man whom you select 
in Philadelphia to do this woric, would you not be willing to 
employ Dr. Gruner yourself to work out here with Mr. Rife 
and his microscope? He would have every facility and every 
probability of success. 

"May I remind you that over three years ago. Dr. Arthur I. 
Kendall of Northwestern Medical School published his ep- 
ochal work on filter-passing organisms, and that since that 
time, many, many scientists have tried in vain to repeat his 
experiments. Such men as Park of New York, and Zinsser of 
Harvard, having failed in their attempts, have vociferously 



77 



denied the existence of these filter-passing organisms. You 
yourself know how mistaken that is. 

"We have found no way to grow these organisms except in 
the Kendall medium, and even when Kendall medium has 
been supplied to these other scientists, they have not been able 
to sterilize the medium without ruining it. 

"It would seem to me, in view of these facts and the peculiar 
situation in which this matter seems to be involved, that it 
would be wise to select someone in whom you have every 
confidence and send him to the Rife Laboratory to work this 
problem out. Do you not feel that it should be someone who 
has actually grown filter-passing organisms and can see and 
recognize them? If you are unwilling to give us Dr. Gruner, 
will you not send a man whom you have selected here to us? 

"I cannot believe that any man lacking experience in han- 
dling filter-passing organisms and without a Rife microscope 
can succeed in many times the 100 days which you cite as a 
minimum. 

"You and we are seeking to conquer this horrible human 
curse. I realize that the general acceptance of our views will 
completely revolutionize present concepts concerning the 
causes of many diseases besides cancer. Therefore, the great- 
est care must be taken in each step if we are to avoid at least 
some of the tremendous antagonisms which always greet new 
ideas. For that reason, we are willing to go to extremes in 
checking our findings and having them checked, but we do 
not want to be checked by inexperienced men in a matter 
involving so highly technical and so specialised a knowledge. 

"Hoping you will bear with me and will consider patiently 
each point which this letter has tried to bring before you, I am 

Very seriously yours, 
Milbank Johnson" 

On June 2, 1936, William Donner turned down Milbank 
Johnson's plea. The International Cancer Research Institute 
would do their own tests. At the end of September, Mildred 
Schram wrote to Rife, asking for his advice as they completed 
their experiments. In October, Donner wrote to Rife. Rife 
refused to answer them. In November, Donner telegraphed 
Johnson. Then wrote him again. But Rife had wasted enough 
time with them. He was curing cancer while the foundation 
broke their agreements, insisted on procedures with inexperi- 



78 



enced people which were doomed from the outset, and ignored 
the larger goal which Rife was achieving— the cure of cancer 
in human beings. 

Sometime in the spring of 1936, Johnson closed his clinic 
at the Santa Fe Hospital. The results had been impressive, but 
he wanted to pause because of the improvements being made 
in the Frequency Instrument and then open the third clinic in 
the fall of 1936. 

On April 28, 1936, Dr. Harry Goodman, an eye specialist, 
wrote to Johnson describing the effect of the Frequency Instru- 
ment on Mrs. Julia M. Gowdy. She had been examined previ- 
ously on March 23. A litde more than a month later, her 
vision had improved 29% in one eye and 10% in the other. 
"It had been difficult for her to read the telephone book but 
now she gets the numbers rather quickly," Goodman reported. 

In September, Dr. James Couche of San Diego, who had 
witnessed the first cancer clinic at the Scripps Ranch in 1934, 
began conducting a clinic with the help of Jack Free, Rife's 
assistant. They treated cancer and senile cataracts. While the 
records are incomplete, the first three were cancer patients and 
according to Couche's notes, all completely recovered. 

Also in September, Dr. Milbank Johnson opened his third 
clinic in the Pasadena Home for the Aged. The clinic lasted 
until May 1937. Johnson's description of his success and the 
incredible medical events he was witnessing were preserved 
in copies of letters he sent to Dr. Gruner in Canada and to Dr. 
Meyer in San Francisco just before the year ended. 

To Gruner, Johnson wrote, "The clinic is held three morn- 
ings a week, Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday. Yesterday I 
had eighteen patients. Among them were two cases of pulmo- 
nary tuberculosis, three cases of carcinoma, two cases of 
chronic varicose ulcers of the leg, and sundry other cases of 
more or less definite infection origin. ... I certainly wish 
you were here to work with me because I am afraid that even 
you, who know what we are trying to do, will not believe 
some of the yams that I would have to tell you as to what is 
occurring in that clinic without actually seeing them yourself." 

To Dr. Meyer, Johnson reported: 

"At times the results of the Ray are absolutely astounding. 



79 



causing an instantaneous sterilization of the wounds, whether 

interior or exterior." 

The Special Medical Research Committee was still in 
charge however and they were keeping a tight clamp on any 
announcement until the procedures were certain. In April 
1936, prior to Rife's Philadelphia visit, Johnson had specifi- 
cally instructed Donner that everything the foundation wit- 
nessed was to be held in strict confidence. Johnson insisted 
that "there should be no publication nor any kind of publicity 
attending this demonstration without the consent of the Special 
Medical Research Committee of the University of Southern 
California. We are doing this to prevent any premature publi- 
cation and the raising of false hopes before things have been 
thoroughly proven." 

In early becember, Johnson wrote to Meyers asking when 
he could be in Los Angeles in order that Johnson could 
schedule a meeting of the Committee. There was much to 
report. 

And then, ten days before Christmas, Johnson and Rife got 
a Christmas present from San Francisco. Dr. E. L. Walker, 
Meyer's coworker at the Hooper Foundation, had (on his own, 
independent of Rife) isolated in June 1936 the fiingus form of 
cancer— crytomyces pleomorphia. In December, he 
announced he had isolated from a cancer breast the virus 
form— "motile colored bodies under the Rife microscope, pre- 
sumably your BX." 



80 



Chapter 12 

1937: Money Woes and Delays 



1937 was a year of frustration. Johnson and Rife were try- 
ing to get Dr. Gruner from Montreal to join Rife in his labo- 
ratory. The Special Research Committee of the University of 
Southern California was hoping to make an announcement by 
the end of the year concerning the "etiology of cancer." It was 
decided that they would announce only how cancer 
developed— how the virus changed form. They were not going 
to tell the public about the treatment. They knew that there 
would be tremendous scientific opposition when they 
described how cancer developed and why other researchers 
hadn't been able to isolate the "germ." So they reasoned that 
they had to establish cancer's etiology before announcing the 
unique Frequency Instrument cure. 

Yet, given what they knew, the clinical records that they 
had, and the microscope's capacity to disprove the claims of 
the opposition, their caution was undoubtedly one of the worst 
decisions they ever made. They were naive about the finan- 
cial, scientific, and medical opposition as well as how the Rife 
discoveries would threaten these powerful interests. Within a 
few years, they would discover to what lengths the men at the 
top of these three professions would go to crush them and 
suppress the cure for cancer. But in 1937, they thought that 
they could be conservative. They believed that conservatism 
would advance their goal. It was a deadly error, for almost 50 
years would pass before the American public finally learned 
about Rife's scientific miracle. 

Dr. George Dock, the internationally famous member of 
the Special Research Committee, was now working actively 
with Johnson to interest other prominent men in the Commit- 



81 



tee's work. He would later side witii the AMA, keeping quiet 
about the suppression and accepting the AMA's highest 
award, but in 1937 he joined Johnson in the front lines. 

In late December 1936 and early 1937, Dr. Johnson and 
Dr. Dock had long converstions with Dr. Charles Martin, 
former Dean of McGill University in Montreal. Their purpose 
was to convince him that Dr. Gruner had to join Rife. Martin 
returned to Canada after his talks with Johnson and Dock. 
There Martin attempted to have McGill University pay for 
Gruner to work for several months in the Rife Laboratory. But 
Martin failed. The Depression went into a frightening second 
stage in 1937-38. Money was limited. And those in Montreal 
who were opposed to Gruner' s findings were not willing to 
support financially a project which could result in even more 
findings to their dislike. Gruner later was assigned two labora- 
tory associates who were convinced "monomorphists." Thus , 
his work in proving pleomorphism and particularly the cancer 
etiology was obstructed, if not actually sabotaged. 

It is important to recognize that many of the men involved 
in the Rife work were doctors and researchers. They were not 
men who fought political battles and in many ways they crum- 
bled when they were challenged by determined political 
power. They believed in scientific procedures. Even today in 
the mid-1980s, men and women of similar good will and na- 
ivete conduct the research procedures. In discussing the Rife 
cancer cure with such people, it is common to hear top men 
in physics, microscopy and cancer research state, "Suppres- 
sion of a cancer cure in the 1930s is impossible. Scientists 
would have known about it. It couldn't be covered up." The 
truth is that the cure for cancer was covered up. And the 
naivete of cancer researchers as well as scientists in related 
fields persists to modem times. 

The question now is, what will they do when they leam the 
facts in this report? A related question is, how courageous will 
the American free press be? Only time will tell. 

In February 1937, while still attempting to arrange Dr. 
Gruner's transfer to San Diego, Johnson wrote to Canada's 
most esteemed cancer researcher. Dr. Edward Archibald. In 
the course of the lengthy letter, Johnson explained the Com- 



82 



mittee's reasons for not making a public announcement at that 
time. Archibald had earlier asked Johnson about the Commit- 
tee's silence and also passed on the concerns of McGill's Dr. 
Martin about the same failure to announce. Johnson replied: 

"We realize that while there has been a distinctly apparent 
change in the attitude of the medical profession toward the 
etiology of cancer during the last few years, any announcement 
we make will be met with tremendous scepticism, and we 
must make assurance doubly sure before we publish. 

"We hope that you will not feel that we are asking too much 
in urging that Dr. Gruner come to the Rife Laboratory and 
collaborate with us in the final report. If you and Dr. Gruner 
agree to this, perhaps we can give the world a real contribution 
on the etiology of cancer before the end of 1937 . 

"Our Committee has decided that the etiology of cancer 
must first be established before we publish anything concern- 
ing the possible treatment. We are, therefore, going to let the 
Rife Ray rest until this most important work is done." 

So that was it. A committee chose to be silent about a 
treatment which already had cured cancer. The cautious doc- 
tors preferred to carefully develop the etiology of cancer to 
the point where it was incontestable. People would die while 
the group mind of the committee played it super safe. It was 
a senseless and probably immoral decision, especially when 
they failed to get Dr. Gruner anyway, thus losing any 
immediate chance to prove the etiology in a way that could 
not be challenged. It would have been better to go ahead and 
make the announcement about the treatment, bring in the exist- 
ing skeptics and let them see the clinical, day -by-day miracles. 
But they didn't do it. 

Funny, how men often think they have forever. It is a fault 
which is passed down from generation to generation. Even 
today there are those making the same mistake. They want to 
test the Rife treatment again and again, and they say that after 
a year or so of careful scientific work which will be "incontest- 
able," an announcement will be made. Shakespeare could 
write a modem tragedy about such men's folly. 

On March 31, 1937, C. I. Martin, Faculty of Medicine, 
Office of the Dean, McGill University, Montreal, informed 



83 



Johnson that "you will not be able to get him (Graner) for the 
present." Martin then wrote that he and his wife were leaving 
on a vacation to Italy. The cure for cancer could wait. 

Unfortunately, Gruner never was able to go to San Diego. 
Rife continued a correspondence with him, and Johnson later 
sent Gruner his own Frequency Instrument— one of the finest 
then in existence. But this was after the AMA had closed 
down most of the treatments. Gruner became too frightened 
to use it. He gave the Frequency Instrument to a priest who 
was a ham operator, and one of the greatest technologies of 
the 20th century ended up being used as spare parts for a 
short-wave radio! 

Meanwhile, the difficulties were mounting. Rife had to visit 
Louisville, Kentucky again in May 1937 because of continued 
problems with his eyes. In April, Dr. Walker of the Hooper 
Foundation had to quit the work because of illness. Another 
doctor was assigned, but he accomplished nothing. The San 
Francisco research was essentially finished by mid- 1937. 
Johnson reported that the San Francisco surgeons had proved 
totally uncooperative. In the year and a half that Walker 
worked, he was able to get only "5 or 6 tumors" from his 
surgical colleagues. 

On May 28, 1937, Dr. Milbank Johnson closed the third 
clinic. On June 1 , he wrote to his friend Dr. Joseph D. Heitger 
in Louisville, Kentucky, the eye specialist to whom he had 
sent Rife: 

"I closed my clinic on May 28, having been running it for 
eight months. Our special effort this past winter has been 
working on cataracts, and while we "have treated a number of 
other infectious conditions (if cataract is an infection), still our 
principal work has been on the eye. 

"The application of the Rife Ray as we have used it, does, 
in the great majority of cases, restore the full visual function 
of the eye; that is, the portion of visual disturbance due to 
opacities in the lens. How it does it and why it does it, I do 
not know, but the above statement is an actual fact, supported 
now by many cases. 

"How I wish we could get together and go over this work. 
I believe it will result in epochal changes in the profession's 
handling of cataract cases." 



84 



Johnson spent the summer of 1937 in La JoUa outside San 
Diego. There he worked with Dr. Couche who continued to 
use the Frequency Instrument in treatment. 

In the fall of 1937, Phil Hoyland, the engineer whom 
Johnson had introduced to Rife, moved to San Diego to begin 
with three others the commercial manufacturing of the Fre- 
quency Instrument. The company was named "Beam Ray." It 
would play a crucial part in the AMA's destruction of Rife's 
cancer cure. Hoyland would become the agent of the AM A 
and would sue Beam Ray with an expensive Los Angeles 
attorney representing him while the AMA pressured the doc- 
tors behind-the-scenes to stop using the Frequency Instruments 
or lose their license to practice medicine. 

The trial would start Rife on a long road of deterioration, 
alcoholism and depression ... as the deaths from cancer 
mounted year after year. 

Johnson's introduction of Philip Hoyland into the Rife 
research and treatment program was undoubtedly one of his 
most serious miscalculations. Hoyland was a capalsle electrical 
engineer and Johnson saw the talent . . . but not the man's 
character. This error of Johnson's may have contributed to his 
own suspicious death in 1944 and the end of the Special 
Research Committee which came so close to telling the world 
that a cure for cancer and other infectious diseases had been 
found. 

But that disaster was still in the years ahead. Johnson 
returned to Los Angeles in the fall of 1937 and began treating 
patients again with the Frequency Instrument. Despite the ob- 
stacles and setbacks of 1937, progress continued with the 
development of the machines. Scientists in various locations 
were interested. The future seemed hopeful. But any optimism 
was a mirage. A storm was building and soon would break 
over San Diego. 



85 



Chapter 13 

1938: Beam Ray 



Beam Ray began in 1937 after Philip Hoy land moved to 
San Diego from Los Angeles. He was an electrical engineer, 
had worked with Rife, and had contributed to the improvement 
of the Frequency Instrument. Rife brought him to the Rife 
Laboratory in Point Loma on Alcott Street, San Diego. 

Hoyland met a promoter named Hutcheson who originated 
the idea of commercially manufacturing the Frequency Instru- 
ment. James Couche, the San Diego doctor who had been 
treating patients with the Frequency Instrument for some time, 
was another partner in Beam Ray, along with Ben Cullen, 
Rife's old friend from the time he arrived in San Diego in 
1913. 

They approached Rife with the idea and he considered it 
for some time. Then he gave his approval on two conditions: 

"1 . That they would adhere decidedly to the original basic 

principles of the Frequency Instrument. 
2. That each Frequency Instrument would be thoroughly 
tested before delivery to determine its true devitalizing 
power and effect on pathogenic bacteria." 

Fourteen Frequency Instruments were built by Beam Ray. 
Two went to England, a third to Dr. Hamer, and a fourth to 
Dr. Arthur Yale. Two more went to Arizona doctors and the 
remaining eight went to Southern California doctors. 

In May 1938, Dr. B. Winter Gonin, W. V. Blewett, and 
an associate named Parsons arrived from England. They 
agreed to purchase a microscope from Rife and they discussed 
selling the microscopes to the world from London. They also 
met the Beam Ray people and purchased the first two Fre- 
quency Instruments (prior to their manufacture). 



87 



However, when the two instruments were sent in July and 
August, they were unwired. Hoyland apparently was seeking 
a trip to England. The three Englishmen were outraged. Rife 
had been out of San Diego when the machines were sent. 
Thus, they had not been tested by him as Beam Ray had 
agreed. 

After an exchange of letters with the Englishmen, Rife 
agreed to send his assistant Henry Siner to England at the end 
of the year. Siner would bring a microscope and help the 
Englishmen establish a laboratory. Rife would follow in mid- 
1939 and bring the microscope the Englishmen had ordered. 

Meanwhile, Dr. Couche had cured a man that most of the 
San Diego doctors had failed to help. Word of the instmment's 
healing power was spreading. Dr. Richard Hamer of the 
Paradise Valley Sanitarium rented the third Beam Ray Fre- 
quency Instrument and installed it in the Sanitarium. However, 
as soon as the other doctors began losing patients, Hamer was 
forced to remove the Frequency Instrument. So he and an 
assistant opened an office in National City. 

Ben Cullen, the President of Beam Ray, later recalled what 
happened once Dr. Hamer had his own office: 

"Hamer ran an average of forty cases a day through his 
place. He had to hire two operators. He trained them and 
watched them very closely . . . Hamer was very well known 
on the Pacific Coast. His case histories were absolutely won- 
derful. 

"We would go in there and see rectal cancers and stuff of 
that sort. He cleaned them up completely, absolutely clean . 
People would come in there with syphilis— not for that pur- 
pose-but those that had developed cancers, he'd find they 
had syphilis or gonon-hea. By golly he'd clean those up com- 
pletely. Not a doggone taint of it in the blood stream at all . 
Clinically cured. 

"I would go down to Dr. Hamer and he would painstakingly 
pull out those case histories showing improvement day by day 
of every one of them." 

It was the treatment of the 82 year old man from Chicago 
by Dr. Hamer that resulted in Morris Fishbein, the AM A head 
in Chicago, learning about the Frequency Instrument. He then 
tried to "buy in" through representatives of his from L-os 



88 



Angeles. When the offer was refused, expensive legal assist- 
ance from Los Angeles suddenly was made available to Philip 
Hoyland. 

Hoyland felt he wasn't getting his fair share. Having 
worked with Rife in building the instruments, he began seeing 
Cullen, Dr. Couche and the promoter Hutcheson as less impor- 
tant than he. Cullen had used his money to form the corpora- 
tion. Each member had received 6,000 shares. But Hoyland 
had the information on the frequencies and tried to use it to 
gain more shares. Dissatisfied and in disagreement with his 
partners, he joined forces with the AM A to destroy or take 
over Beam Ray. His law suit was a naked maneuver to gain 
control of Beam Ray. By owning Beam Ray, he'd have been 
in a position to negotiate with Fishbein or any other outsider 
trying to "buy in." 

The trial in 1939 destroyed Rife, led to the disintegration 
of Beam Ray, stopped the Special Research Committee's care- 
fully developed program and ended most of the clinical work 
which was healing cancer and other diseases. 



89 



Chapter 14 

1939: The Storm Breaks 



While Rife and his associates were creating a science of the 
future, they were living in a scientific world of the past— vastly 
different from the one in which the medical research goliaths 
were taking shape and which would dominate postwar society. 
These were vast enterprises linked to powerful financial 
interests. A breakthrough of the kind Rife was engineering 
would threaten not only massive investments but even the 
political empires behind them. Thus, it was not only the doc- 
tors but leading scientific authorities of the "monomorphism 
church" who were ready to oppose Rife and those whose 
research supported his discoveries. Two examples provide a 
valuable historic picture of the difference between Rife's 
smaller world and that which he unknowingly was challeng- 
ing—a world linking the doctor's union, the health megacities, 
and the huge financial investments behind them-as well as 
the government's politicized involvement in medical research. 

Henry Siner, Rife's assistant, passed through New York in 
January 1939 on his way to England where he would 
demonstrate the microscope and assist in the establishment of 
a Rife-like English laboratory. While in New York, he visited 
a Dr. Carscarden and was shown "the medical center." Siner 
was awe-struck, but he also opened the eyes of those still in 
the stone age of bacteriology. A letter of Siner's to Rife: 

"I just returned from the medical center after having seen 
Dr. Carscarden and delivered to him the filter, and also 
instructed him as to its capabilities and use. Dr. Carscarden is 
one of the finest men I have ever met and I am sure that you 
and he would get along famously as his line of thought runs 
so much similar to yours. Since Dr. Carscarden is a surgeon 



91 



he made me acquainted with the department of research bac- 
teriology and I had a very interesting discussion with those 
who are trying to unveil the mystery of filter-passing, 
pathogenic micro-organisms. 

"At this point I was impressed with a very unusual and 
, inconsistent spectacle. At least 10 tremendous buildings that 
have their upper extremities somewhere in the clouds make up 
the series of institutions known as the medical center. I was 
awe-struck by the gigantic proportions of the structures, the 
nurses, patients, and what not that milled and pushed through 
the halls— Great God— what a mad-house ... and on the fifth 
floor, in a little room, out of the way, I beheld the department 
of bacteriology (research). I swear. Dr. Rife, that the whole 
laboratory would fit nicely in our dark room, and still leave 
sufficient space in which to do our developing. It brought to 
my mind what you have said many times about how badly the 
important work is neglected. 

"The people at work in the lab were engaged in the process 
of inoculating something into fertile chicken eggs, but were 
good enough to take the time to explain that they were working 
on the virus of the cold and the 'flu.' Dr. Carscarden, at this 
point, announced that I was taking a microscope to England 
that would reveal these virus forms. He was promptly 
informed by one of the chief technicians that such a thing was 
a myth, or words to that effect. 

"In the meantime I noticed a copy of Kendall's Bacteriology 
lying on the desk. I picked it up and asked if those assembled 
thought the author of that book knew anything about the sub- 
ject, and in the same breath, spread out a reprint of Kendall's 
(and your) article in the California and Western Medicine, and 
also a copy of Rosenow's publication in the Mayo Bulletin. 

"After this was read aloud by one of the group, the atmos- 
phere was changed quite a little and I noticed that they all 
stopped working to see what else I had to say— which was 
plenty. When I got through, any one of them were ready to 
give a right eye or at least a left eye to see the microscope. I 
explained that it was impossible at present, but perhaps upon 
our return from England it might be arranged." 

Later that same year, Dr. Gruner of Canada wrote to Mil- 
bank Johnson, explaining his frustrations and the reality of the 
scientific ortH^doxy dominating Canada, the Rockefeller Insti- 
tute in New York, and the Washington research laboratories: 



92 



"The crux of the whole problem is the identification of the 
'virus,' otherwise 'BX' not only in itself, but also when 
admixed with other matter. BX now goes by the name of 
'elementary bodies.' The center of controversy is now in the 
question of just what those bodies are. I myself consider them 
to be the same as BX. Well, the subject came up some time 
ago when Dr. Archibald and myself called upon Rous at the 
Rockefeller to see the work on the Shope virus and the term 
'elementary bodies' came up, when I showed my photographs 
of 'my' e-b. He seemed much surprised that I should have 
found any." 

(Note: Rous found the first cancer-causing "virus" in 191 1 but 
wasn't awarded the Nobel Prize until 1966 when he was 86 
years old.) 

"After that, the subject of the Glover organism came up, 
and we went to Washington to see the work there on that 
organism. . . . After long drawn-out consideration I decided 
for my part that Glover" s ultramicroscopic phase was the same 
as BX and 'e-b', but of course the question (whether this 
ultramicroscopic phase can develop into cocci and then bacilli) 
was a very different one. . . . The Department of Public 
Health at Washington had undergone change of manage- 
ment ... as they had just about decided to close down the 
Glover work as useless. 

"About the same time, but earlier by about three weeks, an 
immunologist was appointed here by Dr. Archibald, and a 
bacteriologist as well, both trained and approved by the Prof, 
of Bacteriology, to check up my work, with a strong bias 
against the existence of any cancer germ at all. From that time 
to this, a period of nearly nine months, progress has virtually 
ceased. 

"It was a loss that I could not 'get' your careful expositions 
of that subject in relation to the action of BX. Since that 
memorable occasion of being in your company, so much has 
flown on in regard to the 'phages,' and yet so little is the 
subject a topic of study in the Universities (I think). However, 
the conception of 'mutation,' 'pleomorphism,' 'developmental 
cycles of bacteria' has been uppermost in our thoughts (Dr. 
Archibald and myself). The battle is between the 'monomorph- 
ists' and the 'pleomorphists.' To me, bacteriology is an effete 
product or dead thing under the current academic view, 
whereas the other concept not only explains so much that we 



93 



see in nature, but is actually demonstrated in the microphoto- 
graphs in the textbooks themselves. It is clear that the authors 
have never unraveled thek own photographs, or else they 
would see that cocci become bacilli all the time! 

"Dr. Rife has, of course, the indispensable tool to effect the 
proofs. To this day the opticians say that what he did cannot 
be done. The people in London, whom I interviewed last year 
about it, were very scornful, and brought out the age-old argu- 
ment about wave-lengths (I think Dr. Archibald quietly is 
amused at them, too; it is so like the Galileo busi- 
ness) ... The BX may not be 'ultramicroscopic,' it is just not 
seen because the light used does not show it up, as Dr. Rife 
demonstrated in his laboratory that time. 

"All this goes to show that I myself support Rife's findings 
as much as ever. I still think his instrument is of supreme 
value. But even if it were available in many more places, few 
there are who will trouble to scrutinise the things they woric 
with. We established that with few exceptions the people who 
work with viruses never look at their material microscopically; 
they never look at their tumors except with routine haematox- 
ylin sections; they certainly never examine the living tissues. 
Even the wonderful cinematograph pictures of the Lewises 
contain the particles we consider etiological, and they never 
notice these objects at all— dancing about all over the place, 
much like BX— but the dance does not interest them!" 
this inability to "see" what is right in front of them is one 
of the reasons cancer researchers have failed to find the cause 
of cancer (the other reason is the politics involved). In 1983, 
the Nobel Prize v^'as awarded to Barbara McClintock for her 
work in gene research. A biography of McClintock by Evelyn 
Fox Keller titled A Feeling For the Organism describes how 
McClintock learned to see in a special way. It is essentially 
what Gruner was writing about in 1939. He not only had seen 
Rife's work validated but witnessed a myriad of researchers 
who could have seen something similar without Rife's aid — if 
they had looked. Keller describes how Nobel Prize winner 
McClintock and other first class scientists looked and "saw" 
in a special way: 

"For all of us, our concepts of the world build on what we 
see, as what we see builds on what we think. Where we know 
more, we see more. ... 



94 



"What is it in an individual scientist's relation to nature that 
facilitates the kind of seeing that eventually leads to productive 
discourse? What enabled McClintock to see further and deeper 
into the mysteries of genetics than her colleagues? 

"Her answer is simple. Over and over again, she tells us 
one must have the time to look, the patience to 'hear what the 
material has to say to you,' the openness to 'let it come to 
you.' Above all, one must have a 'feeling for the organism.' 

"This intimate knowledge, made possible by years of close 
association with the organism she studies, is a prerequisite for 
her extraordinary perspicacity. 'I have learned so much about 
the com plant that when I see things, I can interpret (them) 
right away.' Both literally and figuratively, her 'feeling for the 
organism' has extended her vision." 

Rife sitting in his chair with the microscope for as long as 
48 hours without moving demonstrates the extent to which he 
was devoted to this process of "seeing." And compared to the 
army of microbiologists who couldn't see even the obvious 
(as Gruner noted) these opponents of Rife— defending their 
turf and using their powerful positions at the Rockefeller Insti- 
tute and Harvard to attack Kendall or Rife— now can be recog- 
nized for what they were: inferior scientists. 

Rosenow's son told this writer that his father eventually 
became philosophical about such inferior scientists as Rivers 
and Zinsser. Rosenow Sr. said to his son, "Edward, no matter 
how hard I try to convince others, nothing happens unless an 
occasional person opens his mind and is willing to listen" (or 
in the case of Rife, opens his eyes in order to see). 

This little preamble prepares the stage for the trial of 1939. 
It was really two men facing off— one was a scientist who 
could see (Rife), the other was a political power addict whose 
scientific credentials were mediocre at best and whose com- 
mercial ethics were, to say the least, suspect (Fishbein). 

Morris Fishbein graduated from Rush Medical School. He 
interned for only six months and never practiced medicine a 
day in his life. His mentor, a man named Simpson, also was 
a product of Rush Medical School. Simpson, as head of the 
AM A Journal, had developed the lucrative structure which 
enabled the AM A to be dominated by dictatorial whims. In 
1922, Simpson was forced to resign after a court case in which 



95 



it was shown he had falsely tried to have his wife committed 
to an insane asylum. She showed in court that Simpson had 
made her a drug addict. Such was the background of the early 
AMA founders— essentially second-rate doctors in their own 
time who used the organization to gain power and make 
money. The public welfare was a secondary consideration. 
The New York Times obituary for Fishbein in the 1970s 
reported that he had entered medicine because as a young man 
he had perceived the "power" which a doctor had. Power was 
his driving personal motive, not healing. His autobiography is 
little more than an egotistic memoir of all the famous people 
he met in his life. 

Yet Fishbein controlled the AMA and also intimidated the 
press and other institutions to such an extent that his actions, 
no matter how heinous, could go virtually unchallenged. 
Unfortunately, the situation has not changed very much today. 
When a group of cancer patients from around the country 
protested the inaccuracies in a Journal of the AMA article 
about a cancer clinic in the Bahamas, a number of media 
people apologized to the patient's group because the media 
could not print the tme facts. (This is 1985!) The reason? "The 
rebuttal would cut them off from their primary source and 
render them impotent journalists." The head of the patient's 
group, Jack Link of Kalamazoo, Michigan concluded that the 
journalists "are already impotent." 

Such was the organization Rife faced during the 1939 trial— 
a powerful medical union which played by its own rules, 
ignored the law, promoted products which were unhealthy, 
intimidated the press, politicians and medical researchers, and 
unfortunately perverted basic principles of the American 
nation. 

Rife was about to leave for England in May 1939 when he 
was subpoenaed. The trial opened on June 12, 1939 with 
Judge Edward Kelly presiding. On one side was Philip Hoy- 
land backed by his high-priced legal talent. Alone against them 
stood local San Diego attomey Bert Comperet. The opposing 
lawyer tore into Rife in a way he had never experienced. His 
nerves gave. A doctor recommended that he take a drink to 
calm himself. Rife's alcoholism began. 



96 



Ben CuUen's remembrance of this period includes the fol- 
lowing: 

"Well Rife was called in to testify two or three times. Judge 
Kelly was a wonderful man, but Rife had never been in court 
and he just became a nervous jibbering idiot, in that he 
couldn't stand it and he did his best to keep calm, his hands 
shaking like a leaf of course. He had started smoking pretty 
heavily and inhaling it which he didn't use to do before. Any- 
way he took to drinking because the doctor couldn't find any- 
thing to stop his nervousness without forcing him into a drug 
addict. Finally he got so he had to crave it. 

"Afterwards, during his clear moments when he wasn't 
under the influence of liquor, he would endeavor to progress 
but every doggone day at a certain time he would go and get 
one little nip out of his car and that was the end of it." 
While the court case was taking place (and afterwards), the 
AM A visited all the doctors involved. Those who didn't stop 
using the Frequency Instrument would lose their medical 
license. Dr. Hamer quickly returned his instrument. Other 
kinds of pressure were put on the Special Research Committee 
members. Milbank Johnson apparently didn't budge. He sent 
his own Frequency Instrument to Dr. Gruner in 1942, still 
hoping for the international confirmation which would enable 
him to proclaim the cure for cancer in a way that was incon- 
testable. But Gruner was to disappoint him by not using it out 
of fear. Johnson's Who's Who biographical information for 
1944 emphasized that "now" (in 1944) he was still head of the 
committee, still fighting for a way to bring Rife's discoveries 
to the world. But most of the others beat hasty retreats. 

After Johnson's death in 1944, the records of the committee 
were destroyed. CuUen remembered: 

"It was so controversial. They (the University of Southern 
California) were scared to death." 

Mystery shrouds Johnson's death. One rumor is that he was 
preparing to announce the cure for cancer just before he was 
hospitalized. The suspicion exists that he was silenced, but the 
evidence is circumstantial. However, two federal inspectors 
did examine his hospital record in the late 1950s-early 1960s. 
They concluded it was likely that he was poisoned. 



97 



Sometime in the 1944-46 period, a new tBchnieiM in Rife 's 
laboratory stole one of the valuable quartz prisms from the 
Universal Microscope, rendering it inoperable. Just prior to 
the theft. Dr. Raymond Seidel had published a description of 
the microscope in the Smithsonian annual report. The report 
described how the cancer virus "may be observed to succumb 
when exposed to certain lethal frequencies." This was the 
news which the opponents of Rife were determined to have 
suppressed. Publication in the Smithsonian report was a 
dangerous breach of their wall of censorship. Following the 
publication, Seidel soon became aware that he was being fol- 
lowed. Then a bullet crashed through his car windshield while 
he was driving. 

Dr. Couche continued using the Frequency Instrument 
(until the mid-1950s). He defied the AMA and had his mem- 
bership revoked. 

Dr. Royal Lee of the Lee Foundation for Nutritional 
Research in Milwaukee, Wisconsin spent many weekends with 
Royal Rife. He later published a small report on the Fishbein- 
Rife tragedy. It includes the following: 

"No medical journal was ever permitted to report on Rife's 
work. This one by the Franklin Institute slipped by the censors, 
since this organization is not medical but supports general 
scientific activities. But that mistake was soon rectified, it 
appears, as there is still no general knowledge of Rife's epoch- 
making discoveries. Again, the iron curtain of Fishbein is 
effective. . . . We can give a list of various subjects on which 
this censorship is rigorously applied. Only the treatment of 
disease with synthetic drugs is carefully reported. Botanicals 
are played down, foods as remedies are almost as taboo as 
Rife's work ... the official definition of a medical remedy 
for disease . . . excludes automatically any vitamin, nutri- 
tional mineral or enzyme ..." 

Beam Ray won the case against Philip Hoyland. Judge 
Kelly stated at the end of the trial, "The court is not called 
upon to pass on the merits of this machine. But the people 
here before the court have great confidence in its powers, both 
curative and money making." As for Hoyland, Kelly had 
judged his character accurately. Kelly: "I am not convinced 
of his blameless chracter in these transactions as to find that 



98 



he is in court with that degree of manly cleanliness that the 
court insists upon. He stands alone and opposed to the direc- 
tors of the corporation. The court has confidence in their hon- 
esty and integrity. ... I am denying the plaintiff (Hoyland) 
has clean hands. I am denying him the relief he demands 
because I don't believe he was above trying to get an advan- 
tage for himself in every transaction. ... I am holding that 
the man who asked relief here is not in equity with clean 
hands, and I say again I'll not give him relief." 

While the AMA's role behind-the-scene did not come up 
in court, Judge Kelly must have learned about it. When the 
trial was over, Kelly offered to represent Beam Ray in a new 
suit against the AM A. But Ben CuUen was broke. He had 
even lost his house. He got a job and left the cure for cancer 
to others. Rife kept his laboratory intact until 1946, but his 
drinking eventually forced him to sell it piece by piece. 

So, although the AMA lost its court case against Beam 
Ray, it won the war. But millions of Americans suffering 
from cancer decade after decade would lose. Fishbein's action 
in 1939 makes him. in this writer's opinion, the worst mass 
murderer in American history. 

Note: Just prior to the attack on Rife in the spring of 1939, 
the only other quality "electronic medicine research lab" in 
America was mysteriously destroyed by fire. For 15 years, 
J. C. Burnett's lab in New Jersey had conducted research and 
kept records on "electronic energy in its relationship to the 
human body." The $250,000 lab (1924 dollars) on a 400 acre 
estate, and more than $500,000 invested in research, were 
financed by Burnett's wife, the former Cora B. Timken of the 
Timken Roller Bearing family. It was her relative on the west 
coast who had first financed Rife. The lab was burned to the 
ground while Burnett and his wife were visiting Rife in 
California— a strange coincidence in that dark, pivotal year of 
1939! 



99 



Chapter 15 

The Microscope and the 
Frequency Instrument 



From the perspective of the mid-1980s, the greatest mistake 
in the long ordeal of the 1930s probably happened on May 
3-4, 1932 when Kendall addressed the Association of Amer- 
ican Physicians in Baltimore. Sitting in the audience waiting 
to pounce were Dr. Rivers and Dr. Zinsser. Neither had been 
able to reproduce the effects which Kendall showed were pos- 
sible using his "K Medium". But potential allies also were in 
that audience such as the great William Welch. 

Kendall had a right to be proud of his achievement, but it 
was a catastrophic error in judgment for him to ignore the Rife 
microscope in his talk and especially in his defense after Riv- 
ers and Zinsser had essentially called him a liar. Kendall had 
already published with Rife a description of their combmed 
achievement. All he had to do was simply state that a great 
new microscope made the filter-passing forms visible to the 
eye. Without access to the microscope, Rivers and Zinsser 
had no argument. 

But Kendall did not mention Rife. If he had, all the re- 
searchers who would later read the description of the meeting 
(in the Journal of the AMA for the summer of 1932) would 
have focused on the microscope instead of the monomorphism 
versus pleomorphism feud. Publishing the discovery in the 
Journal of the AMA in 1932-long before Rife became a threat 
to the AMA-might have changed the history of later years. 
If nothing else the microscope's abilities would have been 
more widely known and Rife's authority would have been 
harder to attack seven years later when it was his cancer curing 
instruments which were the subject of litigation. 

But Kendall tried to gain too much glory for himself. He 



101 



became the object of brutal attack when he had at his disposal 
a weapon which could have quickly silenced his opponents' 
offensive. 

Kendall himself later came under the heavier guns which 
were employed in the 1940s to wipe out the memory of the 
cancer cure. He was an authority whose "K Medium" was 
crucial to Rife's discoveries. Ben Cullen's memories include 
this sad conclusion to Kendall's brilliant career: 

"I think Kendall was paid off about $200,000. He went 
down deep into Mexico and he bought a ranch to that tune, 
and the Mexicans cleaned him out of that. So he is living off 
his son-in-law in La Jolla." (1958) 

Kendall died the following year in the town where the 1934 
clinic had cured cancer. There was something odd-even mys- 
tical—about the way in which people associated with the 
cancer cure found their way to La Jolla, as will be seen when 
the later story of Dr. Virginia Livingston-Wheeler is sum- 
marized. 

But even with Kendall's silence in Baltimore, the opportu- 
nity for American microbiologists to put aside the silly 
monomorphism versus pleomorphism debate and focus on 
what the microscope showed, was still there. Yet few chose 
to do so. 

Rosenow's two reports in the summer of 1932-one in the 
Mayo Clinic's publication and the other in Science magazine— 
clearly provided the crucial facts to the scientific community. 
From Rosenow's Science article of August 26, 1932: 

"Examination under the Rife microscope of specimens, con- 
taining objects visible with the ordinary microscope, leaves no 
doubt of the accurate visualization of objects or particulate 
matter by direct observation at the extremely high magnifica- 
tion (calculated to 8,000 diameters) obtained with this instru- 
ment." 

Other scientists simply wouldn't look. As Dr. Gruner's 
1939 letter made clear, the microscope authorities did not want 
to believe such a microscope existed. The old "light fre- 
quency" argument came up and still can be heard when micro- 
scopists and physicists are told about the Rife microscope in 



102 



the mid-1980s. Rife's microscope contradicted the most 
cherished beliefs of the experts— then and now. 

When the electron microscope began to be introduced in 
1940-41, Rife made a trip to Germany. He recognized 
immediately that it was inferior to what he had built in 1929. 
His microscope could see living organisms. The electron 
microscope killed its specimens. As one expert in 1986 noted 
in discussing this "live" micro-organism versus "dead" micro- 
organism matter, the existing authorities will have to learn to 
"see" all over again. A generation of scientists have grown up 
on the electron microscope. The world of living micro- 
organisms is totally alien to them. 

It need not have been if Rife's microscope and Rife's Fre- 
quency Instrument weren't suppressed by ignorant men in 
control of power and resources beyond any kind of public 
accountability. One can only imagine what could have evolved 
from Rife's two great discoveries if a generation of scientists 
had been allowed to develop and improve them while gaining 
new knowledge of deadly micro-organisms and how their 
painless destruction extended human well-being. 

In 1938, Rife made his most public announcement. In a 
two part article written by Newall Jones of the San Diego 
Evening Tribune (May 6 and May 11), Rife said, "We do not 
wish at this time to claim that we have 'cured' cancer, or any 
other disease, for that matter. But we can say that these waves, 
or this ray, as the frequencies might be called, have been 
shown to possess the power of devitalizing disease organisms, 
of 'killing' them, when tuned to an exact wave length, or 
frequency, for each different organism. This applies to the 
organisms both in their free state and, with certain exceptions, 
when they are in living tissues." 

In 1953, Rife was not so conservative. In his copyrighted 
explanation of his work and discoveries, he states 14 of 16 
cases of cancer and other diseases were cured in 1934 when 
the BX cancer frequency was turned on them for three minutes 
every third day. (The other two were pronounced cured one 
month after the clinic closed.) 

In 1942, four years after the San Diego news report. Dr. 
Raymond E. Seidel began investigating the microscope for an 



103 



article. At one point, he spent 3 weeks in Rife's Laboratory. 
In Febraary 1944, the article appeared in the Journal of the 
Franklin Institute. It was reprinted later that year in the Annual 
Report of the Smithsonian Institution. Because Seidel was 
a medical doctor and not a microscope expert, his descrip- 
tion was not in the technical terminology to which narrow- 
minded microscope authorities were accustomed. Microscope 
experts in the 1980s have sneered at his lack of technical 
vocabulary. Nevertheless, more open-minded experts then and 
now were excited by his report. Letters from laboratories came 
to Rife as much as 4 years after the publication, pleading for 
information. Unfortunately, by then Rife's laboratory was 
closed and Rife was slowly selling it off piece-by-piece in 
order to eat. Dr. Seidel mentioned the 5,682 parts of the Uni- 
versal Microscope and then described how it differed from 
ordinary microscopes: 

"Between the source of light and the specimen are subtended 
two circular, wedge-shaped, block crystal quartz prisms for 
the purpose of polarizing the light passing through the speci- 
men, polarization being the practical application of the theory 
that light waves vibrate in all planes perpendicular to the direc- 
tion in which they are propagated. Therefore, when light 
comes into contact with a polarizing prism, it is divided or 
split into two beams, one of which is refracted to such an 
extent that it is reflected to the side of the prism without, of 
course, passing through the prism while the second ray, bent 
considerably less, is thus enabled to pass through the prism to 
illuminate the specimen. . . . Now, when the portion of the 
spectrum is reached in which both the organism and the color 
band vibrate in exact accord, one with the other, a definite 
characteristic spectrum is emitted by the organism. ... 

"Now, instead of the light rays starting up the tube in a 
parallel fashion, tending to converge as they rise higher and 
finally crossing each other, arriving at the ocular separated by 
considerable distance as would be the case with an ordinary 
microscope, in the universal tube the rays also start their rise 
parallel to each other but, just as they are about to cross, a 
sj)ecially designed quartz prism is inserted which serves to 
pull them out parallel again, another prism being inserted each 
time the rays are about to cross. . . . Thus, the greatest dis- 
tance that the image in the universal is projected through any 



104 



one media, either quartz or air, is 30 millimeters instead of 
the 160, 180, or 190 millimeters as in the empty or air-filled 
tube of an ordinary microscope. ... 

"Under the universal microscope disease organisms such as 
those of tuberculosis, cancer, sarcoma, streptococcus, 
typhoid , staphylococcus , leprosy , hoof and mouth disease , aiid 
others may be observed to succumb when exposed to certain 
lethal frequencies peculiar to each individual organism, and 
directed upon them by rays covering a wide range of waves. 
By means of a camera attachment and a motion-picture camera 
not built into the instrument, many 'still' micrographs as well 
as hundreds of feet of motion-picture film bear witness to the 
complete life cycles of numerous organisms. It should be 
emphasized, perhaps, that invariably the same organisms 
refract the same colors when stained by means of the mono- 
chromatic beam of illumination on the universal microscope, 
regardless of the media upon which they are grown. The virus 
of the Bacillus typhosus is always a turquoise blue, the Bacil- 
lus coli always mahogany colored, the Mycobacterium leprae 
always a ruby shade, the filter-passing form or virus of tuber- 
culosis is always an emerald green, the virus of cancer always 
a purplish red, and so on." 

Rife's copyrighted explanation of 1953 describes the Uni- 
versal Microscope's unique design as follows: 

"The prime reason that viruses have never been observed in 
their true form of their association with a disease is because 
the best standard research microscopes will not show them; 
first, on account of the lack of great enough magnification and 
second, owing to the minuteness of these particles, it is impos- 
sible to stain them with any known method or technique using 
acid or aniline dye stains hence a substitute stain was found. 
The viruses were stained with a frequency of light that coordi- 
nates with the chemical constituents of the particle or micro- 
organism under observation. 

"The variation of the light frequency is accomplished by use 
of a variable monochromatic beam of light that is tuned to 
coordinate with the chemical constituents of particle, virus, or 
micro-organism. Visibility of the particle, virus, or micro- 
organism is observed by use of the core beams from the 
patented Rife Microscope Lamps, which provide illumination 
through a series of rotating quartz prisms in the universal 
microscope and thence through the slide containing the speci- 



105 



mens and on to the eyepiece. Rotation of the light beams in 
the quartz prisms controls the increase or decrease of the light 
frequency. With complete control of the illuminating unit, a 
frequency is created that is in coordination with the chemical 
constituents of the virus under observation and thus it is possi- 
ble to observe the virus in its true chemical refractive index. 
The control of the illumination (in the universal microscope) 
is a most important factor in visualizing the vims of any 
pathogenic micro-organism. This cannot be accomplished by 
any conventional source of illumination. This points out why 
other research groups have failed to find cancer vims." 

The Frequency Instruments were steadily improved from 
the early version of 1920 to the clinical versions of 1934-38 
and then, in the 1950s, improved again to the point where Rife 
could assert, "they are infallible and simple to operate." 

The May 6, 1928 Evening Tribune of San Diego described 
what the Frequency Instrument did: 

"Just what this Ray does to the organisms to devitalize them 
is not yet known. Because each organism requires a different 
wave length, it may be that whatever befalls these tiny slayers 
of man is something similar to the phenomenon occurring 
when the musical tuning fork is set in vibration by sound 
waves emanating from another fork struck nearby. ... 

"Rife thinks that the lethal frequencies for various disease 
organisms are, as in the sound waves, coordinates of frequen- 
cies existing in the organism themselves. If this is the explana- 
tion, it means that the Rife Ray probably causes the disease 
organisms to disintegrate or partially disintegrate, just as the 
vase and the glass. Several bits of evidence indicate that this 
is exactly what happens. ... 

"When the ray is directed upon them, they are seen to 
behave very curiously; some kinds do literally disintegrate, 
and others writhe as if in agony and finally gather together in 
deathly unmoving clusters. 

"Brief exposure to the tuned frequencies, Rife commented, 
brings the fatal reactions. In some organisms, it happens in 
seconds. 

"After the organisms have been bombarded, the laboratory 
reports show, they are dead. They have become devitalized — 
no longer exhibit life, do not propagate their kind and produce 
no disease when introduced into the bodies of experimental 
animals. 



106 



"Now, he reported, the mortal oscillatory rates for many, 
many organisms have been found and recorded and the ray can 
be tuned to a germ's recorded frequency and turned upon that 
organism with the assurance that the organism will be killed." 

In 1950, after an absence of four years, including two years 
in an alcohol rehabilitation "prison" from which he finally 

escaped, Rife returned to his great work. In 1953, his cancer 
report was published— //wfory of the Development of a Suc- 
cessful Treatment for Cancer and Other Virus, Bacteria and 
Fungi. 

Three years later, in 1956, he wrote a letter describing the 
safety of the Frequency Instrument and also its advanced 
development: 

"I have operated the 'Frequency Instrument' since 1921. I 
have watched it advance in style and performance with the 
advancement of electronics. 

"In the many years I used this equipment in my research, I 
have never suffered an injury or any ill effects whatsoever. I 
found it reliable in performance and efficient in results. The 
most recent model is infallible and simple to operate." 



107 




it. 



Chapter 16 

1946-1986: Rife's Theory 
Gains Acceptance 

Rife was never published or mentioned in any scientific 
report after the mid- 1940s. Those who knew what he had done 
also knew what had been done to him. Even much later, those 
whose own work confirmed Rife's discoveries and who per- 
sonally knew Rife avoided mentioning his name. Scientists 
frequently talk about a "courageous search for truth," but in 
practice they more often exhibit a cautious silence when their 
own career and credibility are on the line. Rife was the invis- 
ible man of cancer research right up to his death in 1971. Yet 
his Frequency Instrument continues to be used secretly by a 
few brave doctors. And still the occasional heroic physician 
provides a statement about its miraculous effects. 

Nevertheless, the development of Rife's treatment for 
cancer effectively ended in the late 1930s and early 1940s 
because the essential cross-referencing of experience by a 
number of doctors was stopped. The Frequency Instrument 
was improved and perfected by Rife and his new associates in 
the 1950s, but the open, clinical, enthusiastic testing of the 
Rife Ray by a committee of top doctors, scientists and 
pathologists was never repeated. Political interests disguised 
as public health protectors prevented any objective evaluation. 

Instead, the confirmation of Rife's work came from another 
direction— bacteria studies and gradual verification of the fil- 
ter-passing form. The next generation did not have the micro- 
scope or the Frequency Instrument, but they proved that the 
cancer virus exists, that it can change forms, and that it can 
be destroyed. The approach was through vaccine and diet. It 
was certainly more complicated (and much more expensive 
than Rife's easy 3 minute frequency treatment), but the goal 



109 



was the same— a genuine cure for cancer in place of the failed 
"approved treatments" of surgery, radiation and chemo- 
therapy. 

The key person in the succeeding generation's discovery of 
the cancer micro-organism was Dr. Virginia Wuerthele-Caspe 
(Wuerthe was her maiden name and Caspe the name of her 
first husband). With her second marriage to Dr. Livingston, 
she changed her name to Dr. Virginia Wuerthele-Caspe- 
Livingston. After her third marriage, she was known as Dr. 
Virginia Livingston-Wheeler. To avoid confusion, the name 
Dr. Virginia Livingston-Wheeler will be used here even if the 
period cited is prior to her taking that name. 

In the summer of 1947, the year following the closing 
of Rife's laboratory, while living on the East Coast, Dr. 
Livingston-Wheeler began studying tumors and found the 
same organism in all of them. In 1948, she came across the 
work of Dr. Eleanor Alexander-Jackson who, according to 
Livingston-Wheeler, had demonstrated that the tubercle bacil- 
lus went through many changes. (This was the same discovery 
Kendall, Rosenow and Rife had shown in the early 1930s, but 
it had been forgotten.) 

Dr. Livingston- Wheeler was fascinated by a bacterium that 
"could be so wildly pleomorphic." She began seeking the same 
changes in her cancer organism. 

In March 1948, at a symposium with Dr. Roy M. Allen, a 
microscopist. Dr. Livingston- Wheeler announced her find- 
ings. In August 1948, the New York Microscopical Society 
Bulletin published the paper. It included the following: 

"In conclusion, it may be stated that a definite mycobac- 
terium is observed in many kinds of tumors. Its presence 
within the tumor cells as well as within the blood of the 
patients suffering with the disease can be demonstrated." 

By the end of 1948, Dr. Virginia Livingston- Wheeler and 
Dr. Eleanor Alexander-Jackson had proof that the Rous cancer 
virus was in actuality a pleomorphic bacterium. 

In 1949, following the announcement in New York by two 
doctors of a virus associated with cancer. Dr. James Couche 
traveled to Montreal where he visited Dr. Gruner. The San 



110 



Diego Union of July 31, 1949 reported Gniner's opinion of 
the latest discovery: 

"Gruner told Dr. Couche he was satisfied that Dr. Rife's 
large microscope . . . had revealed a virus. He said further 
that the work he did with Rife at his Point Loma laboratory 
and follow-up researches at McGill University, had confirmed 
that tumorous growths positively could be produced by the 
virus discovered in San Diego. 

"Gruner disclosed that he had been working with Dr. J. E. 
Hett of Windsor, another cancer specialist, who has been 
studying malignant growths for 50 years and had found that 
Hett was having remarkable success with a serum he had 
developed from a virus. 

"In San Diego yesterday Dr. Rife admitted the possibility 
that the cancer virus reported in New York and the virus 
developed by Dr. Hett are the same virus he isolated in San 
Diego. . . . Dr. Rife said, ... 'I discovered that the virus 
organism gets in the blood of the victim at one stage of the 
growth.' 

"Dr. Couche said ... that if cancer is a blood disease it is 
carried to all parts of the body in the blood stream and surgery 
would be of little use. ... It will surely be a great honor for 
that patient San Diego investigator, Dr. Rife, if his virus turns 
out to be the entity chiefly responsible for causing this dread 
disease." 

By June 1949, Dr. Livingston- Wheeler had become head 
of the New Rutgers-Presbyterian Laboratory in Newark, New 
Jersey. 

In 1950, Dr. Irene Corey Diller of the Institute for Cancer 
Research in Philadelphia had isolated fungus agents from can- 
cerous growths in animals. It was Dr. Gruner' s fungus from 
the blood of cancer victims which Rife had taken, transformed 
to his BX, and then, reversing the process, changed his BX 
to Gruner's fungus. Diller independently and unknowingly had 
confirmed a basic area of Rife and Gruner's work. 

Also in 1 950, Dr. Diller attempted to set up a symposium 
in New York in order to announce her discovery. It was killed 
by Dr. Cornelius P. Rhoads, the powerful head of Memorial 
Sloan-Kettering Cancer Center. Rhoads was determined to 
prove that cancer could be cured by killing the cancerous cells. 



Ill 



Anything suggesting a micro-organism caused cancer and that 
the entire body had to be immunized directly threatened his 
prestige and his entire cancer program, not to mention the 
pharmaceutical industry which developed thousands of 
chemotherapy treatments against cancer cells. Until 1955, 
most of these new drags were tested at Memorial Sloan-Ketter- 
ing Gancer Institute. 

The same year brought confirmation of Dr. Livingston- 
Wheeler's cancer microbe's "pleomorphism" by Dr. James 
Hillman of RCA Labs in Princeton, N. J. Using an electron 
microscope, he saw tiie cancer microbe's "filtered" or smaller 
form. 

In December 1950, the American Journal of Medical Sci- 
ences published Dr. Livingston- Wheeler's article describing 
how the cancer culture taken from both humans and animals 
had produced similar disease in experimental animals. Then 
new cultures were isolated. They matched. The basic princi- 
ples of bacteriology— known as Koch's postulates— had been 
fulfilled. Cancer could result from a bacterium! The dismissal 
of this claim by Rivers and an ^rmy of virologists had been 
shown to be wrong. 

Unfortunately, Dr. Livingston-Wheeler's discovery would 
have litde impact. The cancer hierarchy had its own program 
and America would march to it for the next 35 years while 
millions suffered and died for nothing because greed, arro- 
gance and ignorance dominated the medical power centers 
instead of scientific objectivity. 

Later Dr. Diller confirmed that Dr. Livingston- Wheeler's 
microbe converted normal cells to abnormal cells. In 1953, 
Dr. Diller finally published her fungus discovery, titled 
"Studies of Fungoid Forms Found in Malignancy . " 

Also in 1953, Dr. Livingston- Wheeler and her team pre- 
sented their discoveries at the 6th International Congress of 
Microbiology in Rome. Among her group was Dr. George 
Clark who had labored for 8 years in Washington, D.C. on 
the Glover virus but had not been permitted to publish his 
results. Dr. Gruner of Montreal had traveled to Washington 
in the late 1930s to assess the Glover virus and had concluded 
it was BX. The health bureaucracy in Washington had man- 



112 



aged to cover up and eventually ignore this research-as their 
successors have continued to do until today with other 
pleomorphic micro-organisms. 

The Washington Post of September 10, 1953 reported the 

group's findings: 

"Rome Sep 9— An American research group today pictured 
cancer as an infectious disease, like tuberculosis or syphilis, 
caused by a tiny organism. ... Its members said they have 
obtained an antiserum from bodies of animals infected with 
the disease and that the antiserum weakens and sometimes 
destroys the cancer-causing organism. Drs Virginia Wuer- 
thele-Caspe, Eleanor Alexander-Jackson, W. L. Smith andG. 
A. Clark of the Presbyterian Hospital, Newark, N.J., said 
their study of cancer induced in white mice and guinea pigs 
'has led to the concept that cancer does not consist of a 
localized tumor alone. ' Instead they pictured it as a generalized 
disease caused by an organism in the human blood stream." 

The report received great attention but the New York 
Academy of Medicine immediately discounted the announce- 
ment. The Washington Post, which later would unearth and 
finally break Watergate in one of the best journalistic efforts 
of the 20th century, in 1953 meekly accepted the orthodox 
view and walked away from the greatest medical story of the 
modem age. It was a pattern that seemed to repeat again and 
again. Those controlling the cancer program of America con- 
tinued to demonstrate virtual censorship over what the Amer- 
ican public could read in the press about cancer. 

When the group returned to America, they discovered that 
Dr. Rhoads of Memorial Sloan-Kettering Cancer Center had 
managed to stop the funds for the Rutgers-Presbyterian Hospi- 
tal Laboratory. The Laboratory was closed. Dr. Livingston- 
Wheeler was out of work and nowhere on the East Coast was 
there any research organization that would take her in. She 
had become, like Rife, "invisible." The micro-organism that 
caused cancer and the hopeful vaccine which would prevent 
cancer were unwanted. Surgery, radiation and chemotherapy 
were the "approved" research areas— as they remain in 1987. 

So Virginia Livingston-Wheeler moved to Los Angeles 
where she worked at the Los Angeles County Hospital. She 



113 



sought a position with the University of Southern California 
Medical School— as the threads in this tale begin to cross— but 
was turned down. 

Her father, Dr. Wuerthele, however, had retired and moved 
to San Diego. In 1955, his daughter followed him. Soon after, 
her husband Dr Caspe died. She was almost 50, a widow and 
had a daughter to support. She took a job in a San Diego 
clinic. Within a year she met Dr. Livingston and married him 
in 1957. 

In 1958, she reemerged on the international cancer scene. 
On July 14, 1958, the 1st International Congress for Micro- 
biology of Cancer and Leukemia opened in Antwerp. Dr. 
Livingston- Wheeler was a Vice-President and was given the 
honor of being the first speaker. She also discovered that the 
pleomorphism theory of cancer was widely accepted in Europe 
even though ignored in America. A determined effort to find 
an immunological treatment was also well-advanced in 
Europe. 

In her 1983 book The Conquest of Cancer, Dr. Virginia 
Livingston- Wheeler wrote: 

"All these distinguished scientists, back in 1958, had been 
carrying on significant research in the biological and 
immunological treatment of cancer for years. It is still only 
now that the United States orthodoxy is beginning to catch up. 
Because of the suppressive actions of the American Cancer 
Society, the American Medical Association and the Food and 
Drug Administration, our people have not had the advantage 
of the European research. 

"This work has been ignored because certain powerful indi- 
viduals backed by large monetary grants can become the dic- 
tators of research and suppress all work that does not promote 
their interests or that may present a threat to their prestige." 

In 1959, Dr. Clara Fonti of Milan inoculated herself with 
a bacterial culture of cancer. She grew a tumor. It was surgi- 
cally removed. The human test had shown what all the labora- 
tory transfers from human blood to human cancer tissue to 
fungus had shown in cultures or in animals. 

And in 1959-1960, Dr. Livingston- Wheeler met a neighbor 
in San Diego— Royal R. Rife. She had come across a country 



114 



and connected the years to meet the "invisible man" of cancer 
research. Some strange quirk of destiny had brought her to the 
place— La Jolla outside San Diego— where the first clinic 
which successfully treated cancer was held. 

Dr. Livingston-Wheeler often visited Rife's new laboratory 
in 1959-60. She arranged for the Institute for Cancer Research 
in Philadelphia to provide mice for Rife and his new 
associates. This was another strange link because of Rife's 
earlier unsuccessful association with the International Cancer 
Research Foundation in Philadelphia. Rife's ideas on 
pleomorphism closely paralleled those held by Dr. Livingston- 
Wheeler. The only difference was that Dr. Livingston- 
Wheeler intended to develop a serum while Rife knew the BX 
would disintegrate under his Rife Ray. 

So they went their separate ways— Livingston- Wheeler to 
present papers before audiences of elite scientists despite the 
opposition from the cancer power structure, and Rife to watch 
his associates be harassed by FDA break-ins, court trials, and 
continuing AMA pronouncements that the cancer clinic of 
1934 was "a myth." 

In 1962, Dr. Livingston- Wheeler had a heart attack and 
was essentially inactive until 1965. But in 1965 she co- 
authored a paper with her old colleague Dr. Eleanor Alexan- 
der-Jackson. In 1966, the two of them appeared at the 
American Cancer Seminar for Science Writers in Arizona. 
However, the powers behind the scene still didn't like what 
the two women were saying. When Dr. Alexander-Jackson 
returned to Columbia University, she found that her work had 
been terminated. 

In May 1966, Rife and his associates tried to interest the 
Institute for Cancer Research in Philadelphia in the Frequency 
Instrument. The Institute backed away. Rife was still the "in- 
visible man" with the cure that never happened. 

In 1966, Peyton Rous was awarded the Nobel Prize for his 
virus discovered in 1911. By that time, it was 18 years since 
Dr. Virginia Livingston-Wheeler and Dr. Eleanor Alexander- 
Jackson had proven it was a classic filtered form of a bacterium . 

Sometime in the 1960s, Dr. Livingston- Wheeler began tak- 
ing her own cancer vaccine— once a year. 



115 



In 1967, Dr. Irene Diller and Dr. Florence Seibert published 
a report in the Annals of the New York Academy of Science 
that they had isolated bacteria from every tumor they obtained. 

In 1968, Dr. Livingston-Wheeler and her second husband 
Dr. Livingston opened a cancer clinic in San Diego— where 
the University of Southern California Special Research Com- 
mittee had conducted the first cancer clinic using the early 
Frequency Instrument, curing 14 of 16 patients in 70 days, 
and the other 2 within 90 days. 

From 1968 to 1983, over 10,000 cancer patients were 
treated at the new clinic. Dr. Livingston- Wheeler reported 
that they had an 80% success rate. 

On November 5-8, 1969, the New York Academy of Sci- 
ences welcomed Dr. Livingston- Wheeler and Dr. Eleanor Ale- 
xander-Jackson, both representing the University of California 
at San Diego, Dr. Irene Diller from the Institute of Cancer 
Research in Philadelphia, and Dr. Florence Seibert from the 
Veterans Administration Research Laboratory in Bay Pines, 
Florida. Their topic was "Microorganisms Associated With 
Malignancy." 

Diagnosis News reported that the researchers from three 
separate institutions had "found a highly pleomorphic 
organism in all types of human and animal tumors, in the 
blood of advanced cancer patients. ... 

On October 30, 1970, the Academy published their report. 
It could have been written by Rife, Johnson, Kendall, 
Rosenow and Gruner. Like echoes from the 1930s, it stated 
the truth about cancer with certainty. It also defiantly chal- 
lenged the cancer establishment's orthodox views: 

"Microorganisms of various sorts have been observed and 
isolated from animal and human tumors, including viruses, 
bacteria, and fungi. There is, however, one specific type of 
highly pleomorphic microorganism that has been observed and 
isolated consistentiy by us from human and animal malignan- 
cies of every obtainable variety for the past 20 years. . . . The 
organism has remained an unclassified mystery, due in part to 
its remarkable pleomorphism and its stimulation of other 
microorganisms. Its various phases may resemble viruses, 
micrococci, diptheroids, bacilli, and fungi." 



116 



In 1971, Royal R. Rife died. 

On December 23, 1971, President Richard Nixon signed a. 
$1.6 billion law to open the "war on cancer." And everyone 
lined up for the feast: the greed merchants at the American 
Cancer Society, the AMA, research scientists at various 
favored institutes and universities, the health bureaucrats at 
the National Cancer Institute, and the politicians. By 1985, 
the National Cancer Institute was spending $1.2 billion 
yearly ... and had precious little to show for it. 

In 1972, Dr. Livingston-Wheeler published her first book , 
Cancer: A New Breakthrough. In her 1948 presentation before 
the New York Microscopic Society, she had said, "170,000 
deaths" per year were caused by cancer. By 1972, the figures 
were much worse: "350,000 deaths a year." By 1986, there 
would be 460,000 deaths every year— all unnecessary. And 
with the rapid spread of AIDS, a disease which Dr. 
Livingston-Wheeler and associates of Rife claimed could be 
cured, the National Academy of Sciences in late 1986 called 
for $2 billion a year to avert "a national health crisis." 60,000 
deaths a year from AIDS were predicted by the li990s. 

Dr. Livingston- Wheeler in her 1972 book condemned the 
National Cancer Institute for its misuse of money, the corrupt 
handling of its public health responsibilities, and its use of 
people as guinea pigs for a "surgery-radiation-chemotherapy" 
program dictated by special interests. Her denunciation of the 
past would correctly describe the worsening "cancer war" of 
the future from 1972 to 1986: 

"In thirteen years the NCI has spent five hundred million 
dollars and has tested 170,000 poisonous drugs for possible 
use in the fight against cancer. The results have been zero 
except in a few rare types of cancer. Over 100,000 cancer 
patients have been used as guinea pigs without their full 
knowledge and informed consent." 

In 1974, Lida Mattman published Cell-Wall Deficient 
Forms, decisively showing the existence of pleomorphic bac- 
teria and relating its early examination to a "school of filtra- 
tion" established by Kendall. A disguised hint of recognition 
for Royal R. Rife finally had appeared in the serious scientific 
literature. 



117 



In October of 1974, doctors and scientists from abound tbe 
world gathered at the New York Academy of Sciences to dis- 
cuss "the interaction of electricity and living systems." One 
doctor predicted that, by 1994, "electrotherapy" would be used 
as much as chemotherapy. He bemoaned the fact that current 
medical students, who would be doctors for the next 40 years, 
were not being instructed in electrical engineering. Not one of 
the eminent professionals in "electronic medicine" was aware 
of Rife's clinical results 30 years earlier. 

In 1975, Dr. Livingston died and Dr. Livingston- Wheeler 
was a widow for the second time. 

In 1976, two strange events occurred which seemed to draw 
together the closing ends of a great circle. Christopher Bird 
authored the first article to appear on Rife since the 1940s. 
"What Has Become of the Rife Microscope?" appeared in 
New Age Journal for March 1976. And that same year. Dr. 
Virginia Livingston-Wheeler married Dr. Owen Wheeler, one 
of the founders of Doctors Hospital in San Diego The 
Livingston Clinic became the Livingston- Wheeler Clinic. A 
circle of 42 years was complete because Dr. Wheeler, as a 
young man, had known Royal R. Rife and had been at his 
side in the Rife Laboratory. 

In 1980, the two French scientists Sorin Sonea and Maurice 
Panisset published A New Bacteriology. Bacterial pleomorph- 
ism was the key to this "new" bacteriology. 

In 1984, Dr. Virginia Livingston-Wheeler published T~he 
Conquest of Cancer. She warned her readers not to eat chiclcen 
or eggs: 

"After years of research, I consider the potential for cancer 
in chicken to be almost one hundred percent. Most of the 
chickens on the dining tables of America have the pathogenic 
form of the microbe, which I contend is transmissable to 
human beings." 

She called for vaccinating cattle and chicken with the anti- 
cancer serum. Rife had long envisioned using the Rife Ray to 
kill the BX in chickens and meat. He also had specifically 
warned that BX (cancer) virus thrived on pig and mushrooms. 
The wheel kept turning and turning. 

When it is realized that the disease-causing micro- 



tis 



organisms in food can be devitalized, and that the blood in 

hospital blood banks may need to be similarly purified, the 
loss of Rife's discovery can be seen in its true tragic dimen- 
sions. 

Dr. Livingston- Wheeler also called for cancer immuniza- 
tion soon after the birth of every child (the serum can be made 
from a urine sample). She knew the signs of a cancer epidemic 
were everywhere if anyone bothered to look. She also declared 
that cancer could be permanently wiped out in a decade. Rife 
had known how to do it also ... but in a country where 60 
billion dollars are spent annually on cancer, where one tiny 
hospital in the Berkshires of Massachusetts can spend 2 1/2 
million dollars for "state-of-the-art" radiation equipment, it is 
clear that an entire economy of satisfied cancer "professionals" 
exists, determined to keep their gruesome racket in place. 

Dr. Livingston-Wheeler's book was completed on July 23, 
1983 in La Jolla. Forty-nine years earlier at the Scripps Ranch 
in La Jolla, a man staggered onto a table with cancer so bad 
that when doctors felt his stomach they could almost touch his 
backbone. In a few months time, he was driving his car and 
staying up all night with a sick cow. Cancer could be cured. 
Cancer had been cured. 



I 



119 



Chapter 17 

The Victims 



Perhaps a word here about the human victims is needed. 
Statistics don't tell the true story of what individual human 
beings suffered because Roy Rife's discoveries were suppres- 
sed, because the AM A was guarding its pocket book, because 
the pharmaceutical companies had "chemotherapy" to push 
for profit, because the American Cancer Society was a big 
money public relations fraud, because the FDA was owned by 
the cancer monopolies, because the media was silent, silent, 
silent. 

Two accounts tell the tale. These stories can be multiplied 
by millions and millions. 

Dorothy Lynch of Dorchester, Massachusetts died of 
cancer. She tried so hard to learn about alternative therapies. 
But the cancer establishment pushed her into all the traditional 
methods. Dorothy wrote a book about her long, terrible voy- 
age through the cancer wards. Her husband Eugene Richards 
took pictures of her during the ordeal and also pictures of 
others on the same hellish path. Exploding Into Life is a visual 
and word portrait showing how Fishbein, Rivers, Rhoads, 
the bosses of the American Cancer Society— and all the cow- 
ards who might have stood up but didn't— have murdered and 
maimed. 

The other cancer book which is a testament to America's 
holocaust is The Great Planet Swap and Other Stories. It was 
written by 9 year old Mark Johnson of La Crosse, Wisconsin. 
It includes stories of a boy with cancer and his hospital experi- 
ences until he finally went home. Only Mark didn't go home. 
He died of leukemia after "battling" it and the chemotherapy 



121 



for 4 years. The tale of the I. V. "toobs," shots and radiation 

is perhaps America's sequel to The Diary of Anne Frank. 

These deaths did not have to happen. Dorothy and Mark 
could have led normal, happy lives. In 1953, a naval officer 
who had known Roy Rife when the officer was a young man 
growing up in San Diego wrote Rife a letter. He explained 
how in his military career he commanded a unit of doctors and 
bacteriologists. The letter is a fitting epitaph to the Rife 
tragedy: 

"I have been very privileged in having known you and hav- 
ing heard from your own lips the story of your work. You 
gave me a glimpse of science of the year 2000. But often I'm 
a little sad when I realize that men must struggle so hard to 
get what you tried to give them, and I am even more sad when 
I see so many problems for which you alone have the answers. 
When I see pictures taken with the electron microscope, I have 
to laugh, because I remember better pictures showing more 
detail which were hung in the hallway in your laboratory . 
When I read 'research' reports on genetics, evolution, or any 
of the fields of microbiology I have to laugh, because years 
ago the 'scientists' were offered the answers and they refused 
the gift! The combination of your mind, your will, and your 
energy is so rare as to skip entire generations. The world has 
great need for your work. 

"Periiaps the world will someday rediscover one of the 
greatest gifts on which it has ever turned its back. Someday 
we may develop equipment similar to the Rife Ray machine. 
If and when that happens, our problems will be solved. Man 
will have more food and structural materials than he needs. 
For the first time the economic reasons for wars will cease to 
exist. By then, the AMA will be forced to accept its use for 
the elimination of disease organisms. Man will live a healthier, 
happier and longer life. 

"If we reach that millenium in my life, I will have one 
unhappy memory— that the man most deserving to have his 
name linked for all time with human happiness will have been 
all but forgotten because his life's work was lost in a straggle 
with the AMA and the 'accepted' scientists of his day rather 
than made available through a new approach; and because 
when it is rediscovered, the Rife Ray will be given a new 
name." 



122 



Chapter 18 

Clarifications and Explanations 

(Added 1997, ten years after the original publication) 

A decade ago I wrote the book you are now reading. I never 
imagined then that the medical bosses, scientific elite, arwl 
government health agencies that so totally suppressed Rife for half a 
cenniry would retain that control for another ten years. But changes 
are in the wind. A vast alternative health movement is afoot, even 
though the barricades around the old guard "cancer experts" remain 
formidable. There is now overwhehning evidence of the damage 
inflicted by conventional cancer treatments on a trusting, innocent, 
essentially brainwashed cancer patient "market." A lot of money is 
being made through a very evU, highly unyielding system. 

"As a chemist trained to interpret data, it is incomprehensible to 
me that physicians can ignore the clear evidence that chemotherapy 
does much, much more harm than good. " 

Alan C.Nixon, Ph.D., Past President, Amer. Chem. 
Soc. ; quoted in Questioning Oiemotherapy, by Ralph Moss 

Rife's incredible, unique microscope and his pioneering 
discoveries in "energy medicine" or "wave-form medicine" or 
"resonance healing" (all modem terms) will have their place in a 
very different 21st century medicine. And Rife, I am certsun, will 
evenhially gain his deserved place in medical history, once the 
current "Beriin Wall" of orthodox cancer treattnent comes crashing 
down. 

Until that happens, I believe it is important to clear up a few 
misconceptions which orthodox scientists, doctors, and bureaucrats 
use to dismiss Rife's great work. 

"The ages cannot kill a truth, and the fu-st man who phrased 
it will fuid his echo right down through the centuries. " 

PaulBrunton 



123 



What Rife saw in his microscope, and isolated as one cause if not 
the cause for many cancers, was a mcrobe. A cancer microbe. 
Keep that in mind. It is crucial to understanding the tremendous 
implications of Rife's great accomplishment for the medical science 
of tomorrow. 

A microbe is a catch-all term. We still do not know what Rife's BX 
was. A virus? A "dwarf" bacteriimi? Some transitional form? 
Scientists of the 1990s are uncertain whether viruses are even alive. 
They now have viroids and P-Viruses as well as "normal" viruses. 
So don't be fooled. If you encounter a quick dismissal of Rife, ask 
about the inability of modem science to cure cancer. That is the 
crucial issue. All else is hocus-pocus. 

Resonance, at its own frequency, is a property of everything on 
earth, which is why Rife could cure cancer, be its cause a true virus, 
a "dwarf bacterium", or something in between! 

Bacteria are single-cell organisms, many of which cause terrible 
diseases. Antibiotics attack bacteria by breaking through the 
bacterial celt wall. But many bacteria have, through mutation, 
become resistant to antibiotics. Antibiotic abuse by patients and 
overprescribing by physicians may be ushering the world's 
population into a perilous place where old and terrible or new and 
terrible diseases, caused by bacteria, are a constant threat. Any 
honest medical scientist will admit this! 

Size: "A typical bacterium... measures about... 1/25,000 of an 
inch... a large virus... is about one quarter that large... A single 
virus ranges fi-om about .01 to .3 microns in diameter... as little as 
two millionths of an inch across." (Peter Radetsky, 77k Invisible 
Invaders, 1991. 

A virus is a wad of DNA or RNA surrounded by a protein coat. 
According to official science, a bacterium cannot change into a virus 
or vice-versa. Fine. But that's not the critical issue. Rife's cancer 
microbe caused cancer (he used Koch's historic postulates to prove 
it!) and Rife cured it in mice and in humans by painlessly destroying 
his four cancer microbes - the BX, BY, fiingus, and large round 
coccoid forms. 

Turning a blind eye: The refusal to investigate Rife's cancer 
healing treatment "in earnest" remains one of the great crimes of this 

124 



century. "In earnest in contemporary research largely means 
moMy." (Ann Giudici Fettner, The Science of Viruses, 1990, page 

117.) 

What autopsies show: "I studied autopsies of... patients who had 
been treated with massive doses of antibiotics for weeics before 
death: the antibiotics failed to kill the cancer microbes. 1 saw the 
microbe in tissues that had been burned with massive doses of 
radiation....! saw the microbe thriving in cancerous tissue that had 
been blitzed with chemotherapy; the cancer cells were destroyed, but 
the... microbe remained! Nothing fazed the cancer microbe: not 
surgery, not radiation, not antibiotics, not chemotherapy..." (Alan 
Cantwell, Jr., M.D., TTie Cancer Microbe, 1990, p. 115.) 

What Rife did: "Royal Rife... examined cancers with the optical 
microscopes which he designed and built... he then 
designed... electrical machines which he could tune to certain 
frequencies and apparently cause the viruses to disintegrate as he 
observed them with his microscope..." (Peter Macomber, M.D., 
Harvard-trained pathologist and former Asst. Chief of Experimental 
Pathology at Walter Reed Army Institute of Pathology, Washington, 
D.C., from Townsend letter for Doctors, Oct 1994.) 

Suppression continued: By the mid-1960s, official science had 
recognized die "something" which Rife's M.O.R. approach and 
super microscope, in combination, were able to destroy. But for 30 
years more, the guardians of orthodox medicine at the FDA, the 
National Cancer Institote, the AMA, the "big league" cancer 
hospitals and research universities, the all-powerful New Englsnd 
Journal of Medicine, the media, and the United States Congress have 
kept Rife's discoveries from desperate cancer patients.. .to the ever- 
lastmg shame of the officials of these institutions. 

Compare the following description from a mid-1960s book on 
microbes (The World of Microbes, edited by Alan Delaunay, 
Doubleday Pub., 1965, page 43) widi what Rife was doing 30 years 
earlier, and better, ami curing career as a result: 

"... there appear granulations, called 'dwarf forms', of very 
small dunensions, measuring in fact a millionth of a millimetre... 

They seem to be rather fragile and possess a very special property, 
due to their smaEness, of being able to go through the walls of filters 



125 



which retain nonnal bacteria... The experimentor, by adding 
substances to a culture, has been able to traosform a bacterium of 
normal dimensions, non-filterable and reproducing by fission, into 
another form, difficult to see, of much smaller dimensions, 
filterable, and which reproduces by an altogether different 
mechanism." 

A personal note: It took me years to realize that the people in 
control of the cancer treatment world today did not want a simple, 
quick cure for cancer. It was not in their ecormmic or career 
interest. They wanted complicated disease syixiromes and all the 
paraphernalia of techniques, expert analyses, peer group confer- 
ences, papers, discussions, research grants and clinical trials for 
years before a new cancer therapy might be allowed. It is a 
horrendous crime which serves only those "inside" who are playing 
the great, lucrative "expert" game. No matter whether the treatment 
was Rife's, Hulda Clark's, Mildred Nelson's, Rene Caisse's, 
Kelley's, Gregory's, Ozone, or lots of others. 

Meanwhile, there existed tons of money for constracting medical 
"white elephants." Buildings, yes! Honest testing of cancer cures 
for the sake of millions of cancer patients? No! 

" "The hospitals in New York State are among the fmaiicially 
sickest in the nation... Yet for several years, these same hospitals 
have been able to go on building sprees. They have pursued huge 
projects, some costing hundreds of millions of dollars, to erect 
gleaming iipatient palaces in the sky." (Lucette Lagnado, Wall 
Street Journal, November 22, 19%, p. 1.) 

By 1939-1940, the electron microscope had enabled "official" 
science to see viruses. In 1949 John Enders opened the "Age of 
Viruses" when he discovered how to cultivate viruses in laboratory 
tissue culmres. An explosion of research followed into the world 
Rife was studying decades before! Yet when Rife's eiKrgy medicine 
approach to disabling the caiKcr microbe was attempted again in the 
1950s... Well, the original book published in 1987 picks up this 
tragic tale once more in Chapter 19. . . 



126 



Chapter 19 

How The Legal System Was 
Corrupted To Suppress Rife's 
Cancer Cure 

In this book we have seen (1) how Roy Rife invented a 
super microscope which enabled scientists to see viruses in 
their live state and "stain" the viruses with color instead of 
chemicals; (2) how Roy Rife invented Frequency Instruments 
(FI) which, using electronic frequencies set on the unique rate 
of each virus, destroyed them in slides, in animals, and in 
humans; (3) how medical, pharmaceutical, cancer and political 
authorities combined to suppress the discovery and its various 
techniques. 

What has not yet been covered in this book is that in 1950 
Rife became partners with John Crane, with the result that the 
microscope and Frequency Instruments were not only 
improved and further developed through a cooperative effort, 
but re-invented according to a new design of John Crane's. 
What happened to John Crang provides a sad footnote to the 
Rife story. The reader is warned. It will shock those who 
believe that the American legal system prevents abuse of the 
little man by the "powers that be." If ever there were grounds 
for the American Bar Association, the American Congress, 
and the media to investigate a miscarriage of justice, it is here, 
in the story of John Crane. 

In 1950, John Crane met Roy Rife. After learning how Rife 
had cured cancer in the 1930s but had seen his cure suppressed 
by the AM A, Crane decided to commit his energy, will and 
electronic and mechanical knowledge to bringing the cure for 
cancer to the public. Dr. Gruner of Canada, who worked with 
Rife in the '30s, provided Crane with one of the original circuit 
designs for the Rife Ray Tube. Crane also hired Veme Thom- 
son, an electronics expert with the San Diego pohce force* to 
help construct the new Frequency Instruments. 



127 



In April 1953, the first copyrighted material on the cancer 

virus was published. In December 1953, Rife's description of 
the cancer cure was completed under Crane's urging and insis- 
tence. It was copyrighted in 1954. 

In 1954, Crane began corresponding with the National 
Cancer Institute and other government agencies concerning 
the Rife diagnostic and therapeutic instruments. In 1954, the 
Committee on Cancer Diagnosis and Therapy of the National 
Research Council "evaluated" the Rife discoveries. They con- 
cluded it couldn't work. No effort was made to contact Rife, 
Gruner, Couche or others who had witnessed actual cures 
(Couche was still curing cancer patients at that time). No phys- 
ical inspection of the instruments was attempted. Electronic 
healing was bureaucratically determined to be impossible. (In 
1972, Carl G. Baker, M.D., Director of the National Cancer 
Institute, used this superficial 1954 evaluation to dismiss 
Crane's and Rife's work when asked for information by Con- 
gressman Bob Wilson of San Diego. Millions died and con- 
tinue to die because government and medical authorities were 
opposed to a fair, objective evaluation of the evidence.) 

While working on the Frequency Instrument from 1954 to 
1957, Crane slowly began to get results. Each improvement 
brought him closer to his goal: curing cancer. Rife continued 
to aid him, but in essence the two men were now working 
together and discovering together. Because neither had the 
resources which were available to Rife in the 1930s, building 
a high powered Ray Tube was impossible. But Crane thought 
he could do just as well with a much smaller Frequency Instru- 
ment which attached to the body during treatment. This is 
exactly what evolved. 

In 1957, Crane made contact with Dr. Robert Stafford of 
Dayton, Ohio. Stafford was interested in using the Frequency 
Instrument both in clinical treatment and in new laboratory 
tests on mice. By November 1957, Stafford had 6 months of 
testing behind him. His initial evaluation was positive. Of 4 
person with cancer, one made "remarkable and unexpected 
improvement." The other three were treated while in a termi- 
nal stage. All died, but all obtained relief once the treatment 
was initiated. Two were autopsied. The results showed they 



128 



had died from other causes. There was a "surprising paucity 
of cancer cells." Stafford also noted that of 33 patients treated 
for a variety of ailments, none experienced any detrimental 
effects from the treatments. 
\^'^ Then, in 1958, Crane made his great breakthrough. He 
*made another in 1960, enabling hundreds of times more 
energy to be concentrated on the deadly virus. These methods 
have never been published and are the heart of Crane's legiti- 
mate patent claims. 

By February 1958, Dr. Stafford in Dayton, Ohio had pre- 
sented his findings to the Executive Committee of the General 
Practice Section of the Montgomery County Medical Society 
of the A.M. A. The 8 doctors were impressed. Stafford began 
setting up a Research Committee with Dayton's most influen- 
tial doctors. If the anti-Rife forces hadn't crushed Crane a few 
years later, much might have been accomplished in Dayton 
where objective evaluation was being offered. 

In early 1958, doctors in Salt Lake City, Utah also began 
using the Frequency Instrument. But in May 1958, the Salt 
Lake County Medical Board forced them to stop using the 
electronic treatment. One of the cancer patients broke down 
and "wept bitterly when the doctor had to tell him he could 
not continue the treatments." The same doctor later told an 
associate in Salt Lake City that "if his own family had cancer — 
he would immediately purchase a machine and use it on his 
own family. This would indicate how sold he must be." The 
writer of the letter concluded, "Too many people have been 
saying things that have aroused the ire of the medical profes- 
sion here." It was an old story— a re-run of California in the 
late '30s when the medical profession suddenly saw their 
authority and incomes threatened. 

1958, also brought a hearing before the state of California 
Public Health Department. A Frequency Instrument was pro- 
vided and tested by the Palo Alto Detection Lab, the Kalbfeld 
Lab, the UCLA Medical Lab, and the San Diego Testing Lab. 
All reported it was safe to use. Nevertheless, the AM A board 
under the Director of Public Health Dr. Malcolm Merrill 
declared it unsafe and banned it from the market. 

Still, despite the setback, Crane continued toward his and 



129 



Rife's goal. By February, Dr. Stafford in Dayton sug^sted 
that he, Stafford, manufacture and distribute the Frequency 
Instruments in the Eastern United States. He contacted a qual- 
ified electrical engineer, obtained a patent attorney ,and began 
canvassing for venture capital. Obviously, the results he was 
seeing in his hospital and with experimental mice were con- 
vincing. 

Crane decided to license the machines in order to prevent 
doctors from changing the instrument and thus failing to get 
results— Rife's experience with Dr. Yale and Hoyland being 
the example. Since Crane already had completed a preliminary 
patent application with a California patent attorney, he sent it 
to Dr. Stafford for the Ohio patent attorney to examine. The 
two patent attorneys agreed "all was in order." 

However, they couldn't submit it to the government patent 
office until the "usefulness" of the invention could be shown. 
Thus, they held back work until enough doctors and others 
experimenting with the different frequencies could provide 
substantial evidence. With no organized medical, scientific 
and laboratory involvement in the research— as had existed in 
the '30s— -Crane and Rife were forced to establish "usefulness" 
under a terribly difficult handicap. Opposition from the 
California Public Health Department and the experience in 
Salt Lake City, not to mention the AM A assault in 1939, 
meant they were in a "Catch-22" situation regarding patenting. 

So Crane leased the Frequency Instrument in order to build 
his experimental base and thus prove the "usefulness" of his 
invention. The numbers of people who were being healed 
began to mount. He slowly gathered reports, testimonials and 
evidence. He refined his procedures for training new 
operators. As in 1938, the breakout point was nearing. 

By 1960, Crane had written and copyrighted a manual 
which explained how the Frequency Instrument was to be used 
in the experimental treatment of various diseases and on differ- 
ent parts of the body. By that year, 90 instruments were dis- 
tributed for research and verification on notarized contracts. 
And then the medical authorities struck. 

They raided Crane's office, took over $40,000 in machines, 
frequency instruments, and one large Rife ray tube instrument. 



130 



along with engineering data, research records and reports, pic- 
tures off the wall, private letters, invoices, tape recordings, 
and electronic parts— all without a search warrant. 

They smashed all the research which had been put together 
over 10 laborious years. As in 1939, they visited the doctors 
who were experimenting with the machines and forced them 
to abandon them. They also pressured ordinary citizens who 
had begun experimenting on a personal basis. 

These visits were made by teams of investigators. "One 
woman was scared so bad that she has been in a sanitarium 
driven entirely out of her mind. Her husband cursed them out 
and told them to get off his property and has threatened to 
exterminate them should they return. His wife has undergone 
shock treatments and two months of hospitalization." 

The records and materials seized were not allowed to be 
used by Crane in his own defense during his trial. 

Roy Rife, almost 73 and incapable of suffering the abuse 
of another trial at his age, went into hiding in Mexico. His 
deposition was not permitted to be introduced at the trial. 
Neither were the medical and scientific reports from the 1930s 
and 1940s. Nor were medical reports from Dr. Stafford in 
Ohio. Dr. Couche's letters were also declared inadmissable. 
No medical or sciennfic report which indicated the Frequency 
Instrument worked as represented was permitted to be intro- 
duced at the trial. Crane was left naked with only the patients 
who had been cured or helped. 

The trial was held in early 1961 . After 24 days, and despite 
the testimony of 14 patients who told how the Frequency 
Instrument cured ailments and diseases which orthodox 
medicine could not allevitte. Crane was found guilty. The 
only medical opinion offered by the State of California came 
from Dr. Paul Shea who had been given a Frequency Instru- 
ment by the Public Health Department for 2 months before the 
trial. Shea admitted he never tried the Frequency Instrument 
on anything or made any tests to evaluate it. He simply 
examined it and decided that it had no curative powers and 
didn't lend itself to investigative use. 

Also, and most disturbing, the foreman of the jury was an 
AMA doctor. Everyone else was carefully screened to see that 



131 



they had no medical knowledge, no electronic knowledge, 
and didn't read any newspapers supporting alternative healing. 
The verdict was a foregone conclusion. Crane was sentenced 
to 10 years in jail. Following appeals, two of the three counts 
against Crane were reversed in the California Supreme Court 
because no specific criminal intent had been proven. But 
Crane still spent 3 years and 1 month in jail. The cure for 
cancer had been effectively suppressed again. 

During the trial, James Hannibal, age 76, testified. Blind 
in one eye, he'd been treated by the Frequency Instrument. 
After several applications, his cataract disappeared— just as 
cataracts had dissolved in many of Dr. Milbank Johnson's 
patients during the 1935-37 clinics. Other witnesses at Crane's 
trial testified to the curing of chronic bladder imtation, and 
the elimination of a throat lump one-half of the size of an egg. 
Also cured were fungus growths on hands, fissures in the 
anus, pyorrhea, arthritis, ulcerated colon, varicose veins, pros- 
trate troubles, tumorous growth over eyes, colitis, pains in the 
back, and heart attacks. One man testified that for 17 years 
he had a growth the size of an egg on his spine. After treat- 
ment, it had disappeared. 

After Crane was imprisoned. So much pressure was put on 
Dr. Stafford in Ohio that he gave up medicine and became a 
salesman. Another doctor in Salt Lake City had his Frequency 
Instrument sabotaged and then was hounded by the orthodox 
medical authorities to such an extent that he committed 
suicide. Such were the lengths to which the anti-Rife forces 
were willing to go in order to prevent the testing and use of 
this breakthrough technology. 

When Crane was released from prison, the cure for cancer 
was in shambles. A weaker man might have thrown in the 
towel. But Crane didn't waiver. He started to fight all over 
again. With litde money and no legal help, he began a seem- 
ingly hopeless campaign to keep alive the discoveries which 
had been persecuted and denied to the public since the 1930s. 

In October 1965, Crane submitted an application to the 
California Board of Public Health, seeking approval of the 
Frequency Instrument. Rife was back from Mexico but hang- 
ing in the background. The application was made in the name 



132 



of Rife Viras Microscope Institute of which John Crane was 
the owner. On November 17, 1965, the Department of Public 
Health replied that Crane had not shown that the device was 
safe or "effective in use." Again, Crane could not prove to the 
authorities that the Frequency Instrument's "usefulness" was 
a fact. Although the reports from the 1930s and the limited 
research in the late 1950s clearly demonstrated that extraordi- 
nary healing results had occurred, nonetheless without living 
authorities willing to put their expertise and medical licerises 
on the line, the state officials wouldn't approve it. But every 
time doctors, researchers and ordinary citizens got to the point 
where the validation of "usefulness" seemed near, the medical 
authorities quashed further research. Crane and Rife could not 
patent their great medical discovery without proving "useful- 
ness." They couldn't interest financial men and researchers 
without "usefulness." And the medical authorities and public 
officials' deadly game had a parallel death count for innocent 
citizens— hundreds of thousands per year as the paper went 
back and forth. 

Crane attempted to respond to the Department of Health's 
request for proof of "usefulness." Dr. Charles W. Banner, a 
Chiropractor, was one of the men who agreed to provide a 
statement about the Frequency Instrument's effectiveness. As 
soon as he did, the same Department of Health which 
requested such "proof from Crane paid a visit to Dr. Bunner. 
They forbade him from using his Frequency Instrument and 
then a court ordered it "destroyed." Such was justice in mid- 
1960s California. Such was objective medical evaluation. 

The second man to provide a statement to the California 
Department of Health was Dr. Les Drown, also a Chiroprac- 
tor. An employee of the American Cancer Society was soon 
sent to Dr. Drown's office te entrap him. He was forced to 
"sign over" his Frequency Instrument or go to jail. 

Rife and Crane were intending to patent their joint micro- 
scope in the late 1950s along with the Frequency Instrument. 
A microscope diagram for patenting purposes was drafted with 
both names listed as inventors. Rife also was intending to 
patent his Universal Microscope. The assault on the cancer 
cure in 1960 disrupted their plans. Without being able to show 



133 



•I 

"usefulness," Rife and Crane could not patent their dis- 
coveries. The actions by the defenders of medical orthodoxy 
stymied every attempt Rife and Crane made to bring the cure 
for cancer to the general public. 

Rife had obtained a patent on a microscope lamp in 1929, 
but that was before the threat he represented to the orthodox 
medical (and scientific) establishment was recognized. By the 
middle and late '60s, Rife had witnessed or learned about: (1) 
the spectacle of the AM A crushing his discoveries in 1939 and 
forcing doctors to abandon them even when numerous cancer 
cures were on record; (2) the mysterious death of Dr. Milbank 
Johnson in 1944, apparently just when he was preparing to 
make an announcement about cancer being curable; (3) the 
strange theft of the prism from the Universal Microscope just 
after the article on the microscope and curing cancer appeared 
in the Smithsonian Institution report; (4) the hopeful revitaliza- 
tion of the 1950s under Crane's direction— crushed in the 1960 
travesty of justice when all research was confiscated and scien- 
tific reports were forbidden to be introduced at the trial; and 
(5) the mid-1960s attempt at legitimization and the way the 
medical authorities again had pressured researchers and health 
practitioners to quit. 

Rife would be 80 years in May 1968. He had fought his 
last war. He knew he was unlikely to see his Frequency Instru- 
ments or his microscopes used to heal virus-caused diseases. 
And he was uncertain about the protracted exchanges with the 
Patent Office which lay ahead, especially when the issue of 
"usefulness" was a Catch-22 situation for which there was no 
obvious solution. Medical treatment had to be approved by 
medical and scientific authorities. Every time such men 
appeared and offered Rife and Crane help, the medical powers 
crushed them or forced them to give up Rife-associated 
research or treatment. 

So on March 4, 1968, Royal R. Rife signed ownership of 
his microscope over to John F. Crane, indicating that he 
intended to patent it and that John Crane would own all rights. 
Rife considered the Frequency Instruments to be joint inven- 
tions because of all the original work that both Rife and Crane 
had done on them. 



134 



It is important that Jolin Crane's contribution in keeping 
alive Rife's work be recognized. Crane preserved the records 
and never quit when the going got tough, as many, others did. 
But it is also important to acknowledge that Crane was in 
many ways inadequate to the task he assumed. He did not 
have the management or political skills which Dr. Milbank 
Johnson had demonstrated, and was not able to "bring aboard" 
the qualified scientists, businessmen, financiers and attorneys 
who could have altered the course of medical history. 

Unfortunately, Crane managed to antagonize many of the 
professionals who offered help, and his efforts to legitimize 
the Rife instruments in the 1950s were not as professional as 
they might have been. 

Crane bore the brunt of the medical, political and legal 
opposition to the Rife legacy, and he became bitter. He wasted 
years filing ill-advised lawsuits against the State of California, 
Vice President Nelson Rockefeller and some fifty-two other 
persons and organizations. Acting as his own lawyer. Crane 
launched attacks that were a mishmash of accusations and 
citations. While the cases dragged on, hundreds of thousands 
continued to die every year. 

In 1959, a year before the authorities struck. Crane was 
demanding $150 million from interested investors— an unusu- 
ally high amount for the time. Interested investors apparently 
existed, but they evidently did not view Crane as a person to 
whom serious seed money should be advanced, no matter how 
brilliant or profitable Rife's scientific genius. 

Following Rife's death in 1971, Crane continued to attract 
interested investors, but no agreements were concluded. 

From 1984 to 1988, Rife's Universal Microscope passed 
through the hands of several groups and individuals who un- 
dertook to restore it, but no progress was made toward this 
goal. A federal legal action had to be initiated in order to have 
it returned, finally, to its legitimate owners— Rife Labs, a 
company formed to revitalize Rife's wwk in accordance with 
modem scientific methods. 

Rife Labs is proceeding cautiously to evaluate and test a 
number of electronic instruments, including Rife's, to deter- 



135 



mine the best available for curing cancer and AIDS ^ It is 
certain that energy medicine is the wave of the future. 

Perhaps you, theteader, w^ili do your part as well. Sending 
a few letters to your own government representatives is a small 
step, but one which, multiplied by thousands, could help 
create a current that smashes the health monopoly which is 
now killing people. A similar letter to your local newspaper 
or television station may be the decisive act that breaks the 
wall of silence. Robert Kennedy once declared in a famous 
speech: 

"It is from numberless diverse acts of courage and belief 
that human history is shaped. Each time a man stands up for 
an ideal, or acts to improve the lot of others, or strikes out 
against injustice, he sends a tiny ripple of hope, and crossing 
each other from a million different centers of energy and dar- 
ing, these ripples build a current which can sweep down the 
mightiest walls of oppression and resistance." 



Those who have a genuine need to contact Barry Lynes may write 
to him at: 

27758 Santa Margarita Parkway , Suite 228, 
Mission Viejo, California, 
USA 92691 



136 



Selected Bibliography 



Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences, Vol. 174, 

October 30, 1970. 
Beale, Morris: Super Drug Story. Columbia Pub., 

Washington, D.C., 1949. 
: Medical Mussolini. Columbia. Pub., Washington, 

D.C., 1939. 

Benison, Tom: Tom Rivers: Reflection on a Life in Medicine 
and Science. MIT Press, Cambridge, Ma., 1967. 

Bird, Christopher: "What Has Become of the Rife Micro- 
scope?" New Age Journal. Boston, March 1976. 

Brown, Raymond K.: AIDS, Cancer and the Medical Estab- 
lishment. Aries Rising Press, Los Angeles, 1986. 

Cantwell, Alan, Jr.: AIDS: The Mystery and the Solution, 
Aries Rising Press, Los Angeles, 1983. 

Comer, George: History of Rockefeller Institute 1901-1953. 
Rockefeller Institute Press, New York, 1964. 

Crane, John: A Study of Electron Therapy. John F. Crane 
Corp., San Diego, 1978. 

CuUen, Ben, transcript of interview, October 15, 1959. 

Dominigue, Gerald J.: Cell-Wall Deficient Bacteria. Addison- 
Wesley, Reading, Ma., 1982. 

"Filtrable Bodies Seen With The Rife Microscope," Science- 
Supplement, Science, December 11, 1931. 

"Giant Microscope May Yield Secrets of Bacteria World," 
Los Angeles Times, June 26, 1940. 

Gruner, O.C.: Study of Blood in Cancer. Renouf, Montreal, 
1942. 

137 



§■ 

"Here Is Most Powerful Microscope," Los Angeles Times 

November 27, 1931. 
Hoyland vs. Beam Ray Corp., June 12, 1939, Judge Edward 

Kelly presiding, transcript, San Diego. 

Hume, E. Douglas: Bechamp or Pasteur. C. W. Daniel Co 
Ltd., Essex, 1947. 

Jones, Newell, "Dread Disease Germs Destroyed by Rays 
Claim of S. D. Scientist," San Diego Tribune, May 6 
1938. ■ ' 

Jones, Newell, "Rife Bares Startling New Conceptions of Dis- 
ease Germs," San Diego Tribune, May 11, 1938. 

Keller, Evelyn F.: A Feeling For The Organism. W. H. 
Freeman & Co., San Francisco, 1983. 

Kendall, Arthur & Rife, Royal, "Observations on Bacillus 
Typhosus in its Filtrable State," California and Western 
Me<i/cme, December 1931. 

Kendall, Arthur, "The Filtration of Bacteria," 5dence, March 
18, 1932. 

Livingston- Wheeler, Virginia and Addeo, Edmund G.: The 
Conquest of Cancer. Franklin Watts, 1984. 

"Local Man Bares Wonders of Germ Life," San Diego Union 
Novembers, 1929. 

Locke, David: Viruses-The Smallest Enemy. Crown Pub 
New York, 1974. 

Mattman, Lida H.: Cell Wall Deficient Forms. CRC Press 
Cleveland, Ohio, 1974. 

Moss, Ralph: The Cancer Syndrome . Grove Press, New York 
1980. 

Natenberg, Maurice: The Cancer Blackout. Regent House 
Chicago, 1959. 

National Cyclopedia of American Biography, Vol. 49 (Ken- 
dall). James T. White and Co., New York, 1966. 

Nicholas, Robin and Nicholas, David: Virology, An Informa- 
tion Profde. Mansell Pub., London, 1983. 

Ransome, , "What's New In Science-The Wonder- 
work of 1931," Los Angeles Times Sunday Magazine 
December 27, 1931. 



138 



Rife Microscope or Facts and their Fate. Reprint #47, The 

Lee Foundation for Nutritional Research, Milwaukee, Wi. 
Rife, Royal R.: History of the Development of a Successful 

Treatment for Cancer and Other Virus, Bacteria and Fungi . 

Rife Virus Microscope Institute, San Diego, Ca., 1953. 

, Documents and Correspondence, 1920-71. 

Rosenow, E. C, "Transmutations Within the Streptococcus- 

Pneumococcus Group," Journal of Infectious Diseases, 

Vol. 14, 1914. 

, "Observations on Filter-Passing Forms of Streptococ- 
cus from Poliomelitis," Proceedings of the Staff Meetings 
of the Mayo Clinic, 13 My 1932. 

-, "Observations with the Rife Microscope of Filter-Pass- 
ing Forms of Microorganisms, "Sc/(?nc<?. August 26, 1932. 

"Science's Latest Strides in War on Ills Disclosed, Develop- 
ment by San Diegan Hailed as Boon to Medical Research," 
Los Angeles Times. November 22, 1931. 

Seibert, Florence B.: Pebbles on the Hill of a Scientist. St. 
Petersburg, Fl., 1968. 

Seidel, R. E. and Winter, M. Elizabeth, "The New Micro- 
scopes," Journal of the Franklin Institute, February 1944. 

Sonea, Sorin & Panisset, Maurice: A New Bacteriology^ Jones 
& Bartlett, Boston, 1983. 

Starr, Paul: The Social Transformation of American Medicine. 
Basic Books, New York, 1982. 

"Virus Found 15 Years Ago— San Diegan 's Cancer Cure Work 
May Make Cure Possible," San Diego Union, July 31, 
1949. 

Wuerthele-Caspe, Virginia and Allen Roy, New York Micro- 
scopical Society Bulletin, August 1948. 

Wuerthele-Caspe, Virginia, American Journal of Medical Sci- 
ences, December 1950. 

Wuerthele-Caspe-Livingston, Yirginia: Cancer, A New Break- 
through. Nash Pub., Los Angeles, 1972. 

Yale, Arthur W., "Cancer," Pacific Coast Journal o^Home- 
opathy, July 1940. 



139 



List of Appendices 



A. Johnson to Rife, November 1931 

B. Photo of the doctors' gathering, November 1931 

C. Newsclippingphotoof Rife, December 1931 

D. Rife's cancernotes, November 1932 

E. Johnson to Rife, September 1933 (Foord) 

F. Rife's 1933 article 

G. Photograph of the Universal Microscope, built in 1933 

H. Rife's notes, February 1934 (Foord) 

I. Johnson to Rife, April 1934 (clinic plans) 
J. Rife's description of the 1934 clinic 

K. Cancer virus characteristics 
L. Kendall Letter, September 1934 (Tom Knight) 
M. Johnson to Rife, March 1935 (Cancer Foundation) 
N. Johnson to Rife, May 1935 (Mrs. Young's TB) 
0. Johnson to Rife, September 1935 (Foord and Dock) 
P. Johnson to Rife, October 1935 (Committee's legal 
releases) 

Q. Johnson to Rife, December 1935 (Committee meeting) 

R. Johnson to Rife, January 1937 (Dock & Martin) 

S. Rifeandhismicroscope, October 1940 

T. Dr. TuUy's statement, June 1954 

U. Rife in his laboratory (picture) 1960 

V. Dr. Chromiak's statement, January 1965 

W. Affidavit of cured cancer victim, January 1968 

X. Research summary of bacteria/ virus characteristics 



Appendix A 



MILBANK UOHNSON, M. D. 

PACIFIC MUTUAl. UFK BLOa. 
UOS ANaEL.Ka. CAUrORNIA 



Movember 9, 1931 



My dear Mr. Rife; 

In the name of the other 
three gentlemen and myself I want to 
thank you for your most courteous 
reception and for giving us an 
opportunity to have a glance of your 
wonderful microscope. I want to say 
to you that we all spent one of the 
most instructive and interesting 
afternoons of our lives in your 
laboratory. 

Upon returning to San Diego 
that evening I wired to Dr. Arthur I. 
Kendall of Chicago and gave him a brief 
description of vthat we had seen and our 
opinion of it, and upon my return to 
Pasadena this morning I received the 
following telegram from Dr. Kendall - 
"Expect to start for California Saturday 
night. Letter follows". 

If he comes straight through, 
which I think he will, he will arrive In 
Pasadena on Tuesday, November 17 so be sure 
and have your microscope in perfect condition 
for the Big Chief when he arrives. I will 
bring him down to San Diego in my oar at uhlch 
time you and Dr. Kendall can make such 
arrangements as you desire. 

Thanking you again for your 
courtesy, I am 



Yours very sitjii^rely. 



Mr. Roy Rife 

2500 Chatsworth Bldg. 

San Diego, Calif. 




143 




144 



Appendix C 




Appendix D 



RIFE RESEARCH LABORATORY 



fihtmbit /iros i f asses H^-. /( Medim 

j^,u^ctc*v^ .iVjl" ..,-.1*3 




./fif»4-./t*^.i^-.i^^ 775- p.t,. 

-3 -.-tip 

#W J/^^ iiv^ (2^fu» ^Avj^4ij§^!»^- OMidtj^ l;aAi nMf^ iie^. 




'T iliiiM- "^1 



146 



Appendix E 



MILBANK UOHNSON, M. D. 

moirie mutuai. ufe aLDS. 

LOS ANaBLES. CAUFOHNIA 



September 5, 19SS 



liy dear Dr. Klfe, 



I aailed you this noming tram 
Pasadena a letter just reoelTed from 
Dr. Kendall which Is self-explanatory. 

It ii -very evident now that this 
sleeping sickness which has been so 
prevalent in St. Louis has appeared in 
Cblcaso. Dr. Kendall says In this letter 
that be wishes that he could have you and 
your microscope with him to make examinations 
of cultures, spinal fluid, and blood with a 
view to isolating this germ for which 
everybody is seeking. 

lou two' would make a wonderful 
combination and any germ that escapes your 
eagle eye would certainly be a small one. 
I am sending you this letter because you mj 
hear from him direct and you will know what 
it is all about. 




Dr. Eoyal H. Rife 
2500 Chatsworth Blvd. 
San Diego, Calif. 




j^t. 73L. "f ^^i ~ ^ 



' ^""W 



147 



Appendix F 
Viruses and Rickettsia of Certain Diseases 



(1933) 



Br Ro7>l R. Riia 



It is the purpose o£ this paper lo give a brief 
resume of the reports on file in our laboratory 
dealing with virus experimentation and also to 
treat on the etioio'gicai significance of the Rick- 
ettsia Bodies in connection with certain diseases. 

The existing theories regarding the viruses 
are entirely unsatisfactory and sadly wanting of 
further ellucidation. Therefore, we shall expound 
our theories at the outset with the hope that 
other workers may find them sufficiently basic 
to serve as an incentive for checking our ob- 
servations. 

The virus diseases of plants and animals are 
probably caused by organisnis exhibiting certain 
transitional stages in a cycle under given condi- 
tions. Aii of the viruses are fully virulent after 
they have been passed through certain diatomace- 
ous earth or porcelain filters. The filterabiiitv 
of these bodies alone does nfft serve as a means 
of classifying them. They must also exhibit other 
important properties before they can be consid- 
ered in the category of virus bodies. 

Most of the known viruses exist oniv in clcse 
association with the livioR cells of the host, Manv 
attempts have been made to cultivate them on 
■rtificial media, but with little success. 

The writer has long entertained the assump- 
uon that it is possible to cultivate viruses on 
artificial media. After many failures on my own 
behalf. It was my privilege and good fortune to 
woric with Dr. Arthur Isaac KendaU of North- 
western University Medical School on the prob- 
lem of culturing viruses under artificial condi- 
Uoiw. using his protein-Hch. peptone-pcw. "K" 
Medium. The successful results obtained in our 
initial experimenta are on record in a joint pub- 
lication by Dr. Kendall and myself which ap- 
^•"•^ 9*^^"*™" ■nd Wwl.rn MwJicdn*, Vol- 
ume XXXV, no. e. The importance of that work 
WM indicated in a later report that was pub- 
lished in Pxoctediags of ih» SUff M««tinqs of the 
J*"T? CSjsie, Volume 7. No. 28, by E. C. Rosenow, 
M. D.. Division of Experimental Bacteriology. In 
this report were recorded the more important ob- 
servations made during three days. July 5 6 
and 7, 1932. in Dr. Kendall's laboratory at North- 
western Umversity Medical School in Chicago. 

^'rff^ '"i^i? A° 5*"^ eatperimeSts 
were Dr. Kendall. Dr. Rosenow and myself. Owing 
to the novel and important character of the work, 
each of us verified at every step the results ob- 
tained. 

The above mentioned reports serve to establish 
two important facts. First, that it is possible to 
cultivate viruses artificially, and. second, that 
viruses are definitely visible under the Rife Um- 
versal Microscope. 

\..,tJ^*°^l 'I*'*^"* experiments we endeavor to 
cultivate bacteria in the filterable state. Cer- 



tainly, the theoretical and practical impor-tance 
of filterable organisms in thecreticai and a|3plied 
biology cannot be denied. However, later ex- 
periments led us to believe that the filt«srable 
form was a transitional state exhibited by bac- 
teria when cultured under certain conditions. 
Actually It was found that this transitional form 
represented the virus phase of an organi^in in 
Its life cycle. 

Durini^ the incubation period of a pattiogenic 
organism m a susceptabie host, it is essential. i£ 
the disease germs .ire to be .successful in pr-octuc- 
ing the disease, that they apsct ihc metabolic 
balance of the host and. particularly, the muneral 
salt balance of the cells. When this is acrcom- 
plished to a certain degree the stage is set for a 
transition of the invading organisms into their 
primordial or virus state. It is the virus forms 
enacting upon the unbalanced constituents of the 
cells that produce the pathological changes asso- 
ciated with the disease. It must be remembered, 
before leaving this subject, that several pliases 
m an orsranism's life cycle may exist. 

The Rickettsia Bodies represent the primor- 
dial sute of protozoa, just as the virus is the 
primordial form of bacteria. The staining z-eac- 
tions of the Rickettsia are similar to certain 
Treponem«a. and their parasitic relations to cer- 
tain insect hosts suRgests relationships witH the 
protozoa. Their refractoriness to articifial cul- 
tivation indicates their similarity to the virus 
form of bacterial. 

We shall next consider the etiological rela- 
tionships of Ricksettsia to certain diseases. 

confirmed the findings of RieRetts 
and Wilder which appear in a report published 
in the American Medical Association Journal, 1910 
(Page 54). These workers observed the occur- 
ence of Rickettsia prowazeki in human tvphus 
fever leisions. It has been shown that if lice 
infested with the^ Rickettsia bodies are around 
up with salt soluflon when they are fully dcvel- 
oped, they will induce Typhus fever in animals 
upon injection. 

The similarity of the Rickettsia bodies asjo- 
ciated with the Yellow fevej group is astounding 
The organism Paraplasma faliaglum. is the parent 
miase of all the transitional forms in this airoup. 
pe degree o£ cellulsa- imbalance in the host de- 
termines the quality of the pathogenic chansu. 
Severe imbalance results in a true Yellow f«ver. 
mUder imbalance will give the indicatioris of 
langue, and stul milder imbalance wiii cause 
Phebptomus, or 3 day's fever (isoated. 1932) 

Thus a new field is open to scientific in-ves- 
tigators. The solution to the problem lies not in 
Uinitiess classifications, but rather, in the fascin- 
ating study of the biochemical factors^that cause 
ihese transitional forms known as virus and Rick- 
ettsia to be in the stage in which we find tH«m 



148 



Appendix G 




The Universal Microscope (1933) 



149 



Appendix H 




-1 -^H^^' 




1 n 



1 



f4 I iair ' 



150 



Appendix I 



MI1.BAHK JOHNSON, M.D. 

moine mutual un blos. 

LOS ANSBLES, OALIFORNIA 

April 50, 1954 

Iff dear Doctor, 

I as iii »<1<"E 7°^ "I*'' letter 
a copy of the "Readers Digest" for Hay 19S4. 
There Is an article entitled "loung Doctor 
Heat" which I am very aoiljus to have 70U 
reed carefully. I have gotten a real idea 
out of this which I want to discuss with you 
next Saturday. 

I wonder if your Hay could be the 
short electro-magnetic wave referred to In 
this article. Of course these people, having 
no way to obserre the effect on actual bacilli, 
could not know the exact wave length or 
oscillation on orgsinisms. 

This article seems to explain a great 
deal to me that I did not know before and has 
given me a great big idea which may be no good 
but I do want to discuss it with you fully. 

Can't you meet me about 11: SO In Lr? Jolla 
next Saturday. I want to show you the Library 
Building and get your opinion of it before I say 
anytl-ing to the people at the Soripps Clinic shout it 
as a place for our Clinic *JjJ;j3?5i2?l- 

My biopsy forceps came this ■:iomlng snd I 
also hope to bring down with le the penetration gsges 
which I think I told you about in last letter. 

Please try to meet me at the Case de Minala 
about 11: SO Saturday and we will have lunch together. 

In haste. 



Dr. Royal B. Rife 
ZSOO Chatsworth Blvd. 
San Diego, California 

•oe BURLfieN DNtVS 
SAN RArACL MCtOMTS 



lours very sino^ 



rely 




151 



Appendix J 



fl-L Hie Technic of "BX" Inocitfat^ftn 

Our method of Inoculatloii of experimental animals with "BX". the virus of 
cancer, is as follows: 

The animal Is first shaved and sterilized with alcohol and iodine solution at 
the point of inoculation and placed under partial anethesia. This avoids subjecting 
the animal to shock. An extra long, very small needle Is mod. The needle is 
filled with sterile petroleum jelly and s hypodermic Is then filled with the inoculum 
and the needle pl«!ed on the syringe. The needle is Inserted no less thaa 30 MM 
from the polnt of inoculation under the cqpidermis. Tlie point of inooulattoa Is In 
most oases the mtunmory gland for the reason that the "BX" involved was recovered 
from an unulcer^ed human breast mass. 

In 3 to 4 days s legion appears in the thyroid area, Tlie cause of this is 
unknown, but the I^ion recedes and heals over and a growth starts in the mamroory 
gland of the experimental ammal. These growths or tumors have exceeded the 
weight of the experimental animal In many cases. The tumor is surgically removed 
iand the "BX" is again recovered In all cases. 

An important (sctor aad cheek Is to make at least 10 transplants from the 
Initial isolation of "BX". These transplants are made at 24 hour Intervals into 
the original "K" media. This Increases the virulence and speeds the growth of 
tiic tumor. With these experiments that have been repeated on over 100 experimental 
animals, we are convinced that this method definitely proves the virulence and 
patholog}' of "BX" virus. 

If there are any workers interested in foUowiog this technic, we will furnish them 
with the formula of "K" media and all of the basic principles Involved. However, It is 
beyond the scope of the average microscope to visualize these minute virus. 

8. 2, pie '^)reatment of , * , ' , BX" or Canpef 

The actual cure of cancer in expermental animals occurs with the use of our 
frequency instrument. To attain these astounding results, a long and tedious process 
is started to determine the precise setting of the frequency Instrument that Is the 
mortal oscillatory rate of this virus. When the setting Is found. It is repeated 10 
consecutive times after the frequency instrument has been placed back to the same 
setting before a specific frequency Is retarded. These results are observed under 
the high power of the universaT microscope and when the mortal oscillatory rate Is 
reached, the "BX" forms appear to "Blow Up" or disintegrate in the field. Hie 
inoculated animals are then subjected to the same frequency to determine if the effect 
is the same on the "BX" virus In the tissues of the ejqwrimental animals. Die 
results are precisely identical with eiqwrimental animals as with the pure culture 
sUdes; these siusceasful tests were conducted over 400 times with experimental 
animals before any attempt was made to use this frequency on liuinan cases of 
carcinoma. 

The first clinical work on cancer was completed under the supervision of 
Dr. Mllbank Johnson M. O. which was set up under a special medical Be8earoh<» 
Committee of the University of Southern California. 16 cases were treated at 
the clinic for msuiy types of malignaiu;y. After 3 months, 14 of these so-called 
hopeless cases were signed off as cLinlcally cured by the stsU of five medical 
doctors and lihr. Alvin G. Foord, M.O. Pathologist lor the grot4>- The treatments 
consisted of 3 minutes duration using the frequency instrument which was set on 
the mortal oscillatory rate for "BX" or cancer (at 3 day intervals). It was found 
that the elapsed time between treatnwnts attains better results than the cases 
treated daily. This give the lympatic system an c^oirtunl^ to absoit and cast 
off a toxic (xndition which is produced by the devitalized dead particles of the 



152 



"BX" virus. No rise of body temperature was perceptable in any of these oases 
above normal during or after the frequency iostrument treatment. No special 
diets were used in any of this oUnioal worlt, but we sincerely believe tbet a proper 
diet compiled for the individual would be of benefit. 

Hie Determination and Diagnosis of Cancer 

We can determine in over 90% of the cases of persons hanng carcinoma by 
the examination of a blood smear (with the technic heretofore explained) in 30 
minutes. We have also found that in many t>'pes of epithelioma that the carcinoma 

tissue carries no conductivity with a pendulum galvonometer which enables us to 
outline and determine the location of a tumor without tlie use o( .K-Ray photographs, 
it has also been determined that any case of malignancy treated with either X-Ray 
or radium or other radio-active materials shows decided radio-activity and harm- 
ful tissue effects for many months after the treatments have been given. Destroyed 
tissue or tissue that has been harmed is a natural paraaiUc feast. We have also 
found that tumors treated with this method respond less readily to the treatment of 
our frequency Instruments, 



153 



Appendix K 



CHEMICAL RELATIVITY TO CARCINOMA 
Coordlaatlve CoasUtttenta 



<A) Dibeozaatfaracene m a carcioogenetic ageat. 

1, Di^derivative of dia meaoing aeparated by or doubling up. 

2, Beu - 0eiizene Cg He) 

Benzol as a Cg Hg derivative Cg Hg nCHji 

3, Anthracene - H^o = 3Cq Hq - C4 Hg while aolld Byiio- 

carbon used la preparation of indigo and alizarin. 

(B) Naphthalene (6x0 Hg) almost same as Cn Hig (moth balls). 
Cancer Virus Characteristics 



1. Not destroyed by X-Ray, ultra violet ray or Infra red ray. 

2. Thermal death point in 24 hours is 42 deg. C or 107. 6 deg. F. 

3. Sporogenous. 

4. Non liquifying (media). 

5. Nob chromogealo and non aerobic. 

6. - (Cathode) polarization. 

7. Width of ovoid or micro-organism Is 1/20 u. 

8. Length of ovoid micro-organism is 1/15 u. 

9. Flagellated and non parasitic. 

10. Highly motile and plastic. 

11. Hi^ily pathogenic. 

12. Seen at 12 3/16° angle of refracUon on universal microscope. 

13. Color of chemical refraction Is purple red, which results from 
the coordinatlve constituents reacting upon the degree of light 
frequency applied. ' 



154 



Appendix L 




UNIVEKSrrT MEDICAL SCHOOL 



Ssptonber 20,1934 



Dau- Ur8.3rlds«si 

I'y wife ajid I were imfortuDately not a'alo to pay our r«sp«eta to you bfl- 
fora w» l«ft Calif ornis .and this is both an apology and also a ron«w«d as- 
prBSsion of our pl«asiiro in bolng tinrltod to your vary baautiful party. ~# 
do hope Tte shall bo forttmato anough to be In California a^ain so ■wa 
call upon you. 

Our trip htsno was without incident: it Tias hot tha first dBy,birt ws auoo««d«d. 
in gatting a place in aa air ooTiitionad oar, and th« rtaaindw' of the Journey ' 
■mi.a T-ery acrXortable.lt ims t^iiite oool whan w« landed In Chieaso.and it bu 
been ocoifortable ever siaae. TTe have been away for two and one half months, 
so e-nirything was strenee.espee tally the bustle and oonfuaion of a largs oity 
whieh w« both detest . TTe beXle-fB the ideal arrangstaent would be to li-n in 
LaJolla ten months of the year', and in Old uexioo tha remainder. Our -riait 
to LAxioo was one of the outstanding episodaa of our liTes.and wm really be- 
asDie vary fond of the couirtry.espooialiy of the Eaeianda in the State of Duraoso 
wtiere we spent five waaka . Anothar year wo hope to kncfw enough Spanish to 
oarry on a eosreraation:at praaent no are limited to bare aeoessitiesisating, 
traTelliag (pravidod there are no anorgoncies whieh would aail for words not 
in our vocabulary } and doing tha. vor^- ordinary things of life . ilfy wife has 
proaisad to study the language this winter, and I have already spent sotu three 
moBthu learning tha rudlmaats.so it my be that another year wo may really 
oonrsrse with the Spaidsh people in their own tongue, a most daairable aaoon 

plishEMBt. 

This after noon I have a meeting with ':r.Bardln,Pra8ident of the Board 
of Trustees of the 0ni.v»rsltr:he is muoh interested in Soy jtnd his splendid 
work, and I shall be asked to tell what I saw during my very brief visit to 
California. Ur.Eardin, unlike many' parsons, is very frioadly,aad will ta::a the 
proper view point of the workithat it Is experimental so far, done with no 
rules of the ga-o to sp by, and with a aaohine that la designed -for asiall 
output, awl thereforo.not capable of ahowing its full Trorth- 1 undorstaac! 
there ia to be a mm mjiicl)ine,oinbodying the facta loar»od froia tho old one, 
and built along more lusty lines so its output will be more nearly equal to 
the demands which should be put upon it. I have written to Dr. Johnson tell- 
ing him about the one oasa 1 can ^alk intelligently aboutrTon IEliight.P.c7 (Rife) 
will tell you about Tom-.he seems to me to be ^he ziost important ease of the 
entire series because his tODor was on the oheek.vhere it oould be sean.watohed 
■nd measured from' the start to the finish. This I have done,reeitiag the actual 
meaaurementa.and details of treatment and of pathological esawination. 

I do hope you will orverlook the use of the typom-iter any hand- 
writing is so vary bad no one, including ay self can read it. Eenoe I substitute 
impelitenesa for illegibility. 



% wife unites with me in warmest regards. 




155 



V 

Appendix M 



MILBANK JOHNSON, M. D. 
RACInc MUTUAL uri SLOa. 

Lea ANacLca, califqrnia 



March U, 19SS 



Uj dear Dr. Hifa, 



Inclosad you will find a 



letter which I hare juet received fr<a« 
the Intematiosal Cancer Research 
Foundation. 



effectively coapOy with their request, 
will you send ne some pictures taken of 
the interior of your laboratory, also a 
picture of the big microscope. Alao, 
will you answer as many of their questions 
ae you see fit as they are naturally inter- 
ested In knowing as aich as possible about 
your aeconplisbnents. 



can because I want to get these people 
back there sttrted as soon as possible. 
Will you return tbet letter for ny files 



In order that I nay most 



Please do this as soon as you 




Dr. Koyal R. Rife 
£500 Chetsworth BM. 
San Biego, Calif, 



■OD BUnUIOM ORIVK 
■AN HAFACk MCIOHTB 
PAAADCNA 



156 



Appendix N 



MILBANK UOHNSON. M. D. 

PMkCIPiC MUTUAL UFC BUDOI. 
tjOS ANttKLKa, CAUFORHiA 



Um7 9, 1955 



I 



Uf dMT DoetoTi 

Aa lira. Johnios ud I ar* eoalsg 
dom to San Olego Saturday, I would UJca, 
with your paraiaatoa, to hm Cbarlaa toisg 
Ira. Tmng alosg alth Ua ao that aha ean 
haTa anottaar Rar traataant. 

She la -very auoh Improved. ALl 
ot thvaaall aaed glands In both sldsa of 
the nook have disappeared. Thle morning 
when 1 axamlnad her there was only one 
gland «x tll$ Ejght aide, Just afaova the 
claTlole, aueh smeller than orlglnallr and 
Isae painful. The three palpable (landa on 
the ImCt aide eere smller than llbaD 
eiamlned on April 29 and not painful. I 
thljnk, howeTer, to aaka aaauranoa douKly 
aura that >a will glre her another abot 
Saturday before noon If it la agreaabla to 
you. If not, please wire aa and I will not 
bring bar down. 

loura Terjr slnos 



Dr. Royal R. Blfa 
2600 Chatsworth Bl-rt. 
San Diego, Calif. 




157 



Appendix O 

Dr. Hlfe #2. September 12, 1935S 



If It would not be asking too much, you might 
bring your petrographio and that slide of the 
onion skin nhich wovOd gire them some idea of 
the action of the Tariable monochromatic bean. 

A few days ago I received a report from 
Dr. Poord of the postmortem of a guinea pig which 
he inoculated from eoae of the glands taken in the 
last operation from Hrsi Young, Charles' wife. It 
showed a distinct, but not bad, tubercular infection 
in the glands of the guinea pig, a few living 
tubercular bacilli. He said they were rather long 
and a few of them were beaded. He pronounced the 
diagnosis postlvely tuberciiloBie. 

How, it has occurred to me, that if he 
found no Uving tubercular bacilli, or anything that 
looks like them, in the sections of the glands jf*^ 
themselves, or In a stained slide made from a caseous 
material taken therefrom, I am inclined to believe 
that in these old tubercular lesions thtt* probably 
were so "Much" granules which, as we know, will not 
develop in artificial culture, nor do they show In 
cold abscesses very often, but, still, if injected 
into guinea pigs produce tubercle bacilli: maybe 
these Huch glands are another form of the same I liliiij.T'^ 
corresponding to our filter passing form and we will 
have to get an H. 0. R. for them so as to destroy 
theii at the same time that we do the rod form of 
tuberculosis. 

I am quite satisfied that we will run no 
danger in radiating with the Rife Eay moderate cases 
of tuberculosis. In discussing the matter with 
Dr. Dock, he advises by all means to take a chance 
and any reaction that we might obtain can probably be 
handled symptomatically. It will require a great deal 
of work to find an M. 0. E. for these Much groniaes. 
lou will find them described on page 224 of Kendall's 
Bacteriology, 2nd Edition, They are probably described 
in all of his editions but maybe not on the same page. 



158 



Appendix P 



MILBANK UOHNSON, M. D. 

PACIFIC MUTUAl. LIFE BLDS. 
LOS ANOBLCS, CALirORNIA 



October 8, 19SS 

M;; dear Sr. Rife, 

Ws are about reedy to begin our eUnicsl 
work ultb the aew Rife Ray Machine wblcb seems to be 
a great lueeeas. It hae ouch greater power and pen- 
etration thaa the original which we used last suoner. 

There are many improreinents in this machine 
which are possible through the great Improvemento 
made in radio technique. There Is not a ooTlng part, 
for exaaple. In our new machine and hanee we expect 
It to haTS a muh longer life with harder usage. 

We bellBTe It wlao to protect the members 
of the Comnlttae and the physicians from suits for 
daaages. Tour Chairman, therefore, has had prepared 
by experienced lawyers two forms of release which I 
am submitting to you for your suggestions or approTal. 
Kindly read them orer Tery carefully. Consult any 
attorney you please If you so desire, and return them 
to me as promptly as possible as we are about reedy to 
start. 

We hare tested the machine out rery thoroughly 
both on animals and on cultures, and so far as we can 
see. It leSTes nothing to be desired. 

Hoping that you will exaolne and return the 
releases to ne with your caaments as quleJcly as pos- 
albla,'! an 

Xours very sincerely, 

'^S^^L eS » «■ < * ■ -,Chalnaan 

Special Medical Saaoarch Committee of 
the OnlTersity of Southern California 

■ ■ • 

Dr. Boyal Raymond Rife 
2S0O Chatsworth Boulanrd 
San Diego, California 



159 



Appendix Q 



MILBANK UOHNSON. H. D. 

PACIflC MUTUAi. UrE BLDO. 
LOS ANSEUBS, CAUFORNIA 



Daceaber 19, 19!5 



Hjr dear Dr. Rife, 



1 Beetlng of the Special liedlcal Research 
Committee of the OnlTerslty of Southern California 
will be held Thursday, December 26 at 12:15 F.H. In 
Rood 2 of the California Club. 



As Dr. George Dock, e member of our 
Comnittee, Is leaving on January 2 for a trip tround 
the World and will not return for severtl monthB, I 
am anxious to have this seating before he lesvee as 
there are many things of Importance to be considered. 
He have much to report and are very anxLoue to 
receive your advice on some questions of vital impor- 
tance to the work. 



I trust you will make a special effort to 
attend. I have tried to trouble the members of the 
Committee as little as possible with meetings, but 
it becomes absolutely necessary now that we should 
meet and decide some vital points. 

lou might call Dr. Burger and see If you 
can't arrange to come up together as you did last 
time. Also, it will keep him from forgetting It tnd 
insure his being here if you bring him. 

Please let me hear from you as to whether 
or not you can be present at this meeting. 

Wishing you and Mrs. Rife a Herry 
Christmas and a Happy Neic !ear, I am 



Yours very si: 



Dr. R. R. Rife 
2600 Chttsworth Blvd. 
xooivc San Diego, California 

SAN NA^ACL NriOHT* 




Special Medical Research Comnittee 
Oniverslty of Southern California 



160 



Appendix R 



MILBANK JOHNaON, M. D. 
LOS ANaKLES, CALIFORNIA 

Subiray lamliul Building 



January 4, 1937 



dear Koy! 

I uroia you BOMtinB ago that I had the p.H. naohine 
for you, and all it needs am is some means of transportation 
to San DlOEo. I also haire the full instruotion book that goes 
with It. I had hoped before this that wo would bo coming down, 
but we haTe moTed, haTing disposed of Belbank, and hence hare 
been unable to got away. Our now address is 710 Pinehurst DrlTe, 
Pasadena, near the Huntington Hotel. 

I hRTo had seTeral oouTersations with Br. Charles 
Martin, foriwr Dean of MoGill TJniTorslty in Montreal, who has 
been out here for a few days. I tried my boat to get him down 
to San Diego, but he simply oould not got the time to go. How- 
OTor, I had ssTsral interriews with him and Sir Montague Allan 
and Dr. Dbolc. Between us, we suoaeeded in selling him the idea 
that it would bo a good thing for Dr. Gruner to bo sent out here 
by MoGill. Dr. Martin Is still on the Board of Gorernors of the 
University and he has undortajcen to do his Tory best to get UcGxll 
to send us Dr. Oruner, IiIOGill paying Dr. Sruner's salary and ex- 
penses. Dr. liartin will arrire back in Montreal by the first of 
February when, he says, we may sxpest to hear definite dsTtlop- 
nsnts on this subject. Sir Montague feels pretty oertaln that 
Dr. Gruner will be sent. 



There are so many things that I would like to dlsouss 
with you, and also 1 want you to get the p.H. maohine down to 
the laboratory, so I wish you oould corns up here some day soon. 
Let me know before you get here so we can start 'the new year 
pulling together for our coosion goal, naaely, success. 

lira. Johnson Joins me in wishing you and Mrs. Rife a 
happy and prosperous New Year. 

Yours Tery sincerely. 



ISILBASK JOmiSOH 



P. S. Please let me know when you can come up., 



161 



Appendix S 




Giant Microscope Explores New Worlds 



Repoeted to be so powerful that it reveals 
disease organisms never seen before, the 
giant microscope pictured above has Just 
been completed by Royal R. Rife, of" San 
Diego. Calif., wbose bome>built instruments 
have long been ranked among the finest In 

OCTOBER, tmo 



the world. To eUminate distortion, the im- 
age produced by tbe new two-toot-tall ap- 
paratus does not pass through tbe usual 
alr-fiUed tube, but along an opUcal path 61 
quartz blocks and prlsnu, Weigblnir S0|^ 
pounds, the microscope has 5.682 parts. 



162 



Appendix T 



Ml. 44»l SANTA CKUX 

CHARLES F. TULLY, D. □. S. 
Muenes UMtim to 
■URalRY AND DINTUlin 
Ormcsi SOM lomn Avnui 
•AM DIMO. CALireilMlA 



June 1, 1954 



It ia with difficulty that I attempt to respond to your request for 
data on the Frequency InBtniment treatments since I am moving and am very 
busy. 

My knowledge of the Frequency Instrument treatment extends over 
a number of years, althou^ my personal use of the Frequency Instrument has 
been in the last few years. My first definite investlgaUon was in that of my own 
case of prostatitis, I tried medicines. A qualified urologist gave me gaotriain, 
penicillin, aureomyein, chloromycltln terramycln, with various results bat the 
drugs did not do the Job. TB»e Frequency Instrument cured my oaae quickly. I 
then used the Frequency Inatrument on a friend of mine who was being rushed to 
the hospital for a prostrate operation. He is perfectly well today without any 
operation or further medical aid. 

I had a case of butterfly lq>us sent to me by a doctor friend, md 
though It had been treated ejrtenslvely and by speclalista, the condition was large 
and in progression. After three months treatment with the Frequency Inatrument, 
the butterfly lupus disqipeared. Anoflier earner (carcinoma) case was submitted 
to me for treatment with the Frequency Instrument by an M. D. friend of mine. 
He had an impossible condition but the Frequency Inatrument dried it w In weeks. 

I have fouid the Frequency Instrument very effective after surgery. 1 
use it alone instead of antlblotios and have not had a oaae of infection. I have cured 
extremely bad cases of trench mouth and pyorrea in a few treatments with the 
Frequency Instrument. 

In conclusion I must state that I feel that the Frequency Instrument 
is worthy of further research and that subsequent investigation and use wiU be 
of great benefit to all mankind. * 




Charles F. Tully 



163 



Rife in 1960 



164 

fe 



Appendix U 




Rife in 1960 



164 




Rife in 1960 



164 



Appendix V 



AP=-eiDAW/-r 677 S. Burlington Ave. 

r-plV^v I L08 Angeles, Calif., 90057 

January 7, 196 5. 

To Whom It Hay Coneera: 

In the aprlne of 19S0 I contacted a staph. Aureus 
infection while an Interne at St. Alexis Hospital In Clereland, 
Ohio. This was a plague In this hospital as Is still prevalent 
In most U.S. hospitals. .difficult to control. 

Ihe infection started with a thrmt culture which 
was auppresaed with antl-blotlca. Soon after, I with about 6 
others (became a victim of this antl-blotlc resistant infection 
which became eyatemic and chronic. 

It was three years of suffering until I came across 
the Frequency Instrument which gave me Imnediate relief and con- 
trol BO that I was then on the road for a"CURE. "I used the Model 
SQ.2, Serial No. 20, RVM 12 as manufactured by the Rife Virus Micro- 
scope Institute of San Diego, California. 

Ihis systemic Infection disappeared after five days 
of intensive treatment. Indeed it was a great relief to get rid 
of the extensive cellulitis for the length of the left lower leg 
with edema of the foot and anUe with discoloration and multiple 
boils and carbuncles reappearing which required two hoepitalliatlona 
and continuous treatment for three years. Indeed I Just about gave 
up. 

Logically no research or Interest In any new field 
especially in the healing arts and science should be suppresssd. 
It has been stated, again and again, that one is a martyr to his 
profession. Such I find trus in any research adventure. It takes 
a lot of courage,' time, monsy and hard work to find new methods. 

I am of the opinion and belief that if I had not had the 
treakent on the Frequency Instrument above that I would not be able 
to get rid of this incucable staph, aureus which antl-blotlca 
could not suppress. 

It left me with a deformed right hand and wrist along 
with the arm in which the distal end of the radial bone ahowe 
permanent distorted damage- on x-ray study and observation which 
has reduced the efficiency of the use of this hand and arm about 
Fifty per-cent. 

I am grateful to have had the privilege of the use of 
this instrument which appears as a specific for certain virus'. 

I an for any and all fraedom of research where life, 
health and happiness can be Improved. 



leva's very tnd,y. . ^ 

aeorge 'Chranlak , Jr«. ,iWD. "'. ' 
Phon%: Area Code 213, ■G13-7448 



Affidavit 

To Whom It Hay Concern: « 

sworn and subscribed before me a 

Notary public this 7th Day of Januray 1965 in Los __Angeles, 
California. ' 




Notary Public 



165 



Appendix W 



AFFIDAVIT OF MRS. BLANCHE H. JONES OF 1840^ 
4th tvenut, Apt. ;28, SAN DIEGO, CALIFORNIA 

CURE FROM CANCER BY THE RIFE 
FREQUENCY INSTRUKENT AFTER 12 YEARS. 

I, Blanche H. Jones, a Counsel 1n Fro Per, 
do hereby certify that In April V9SS I was diagnosed as having 
cancer and was operated on by five H.D.s at the San Diego County 
Hospital and one breast was removed and 1t was reported that the 
cancer was still In my body and pus drainage was severe. In May 1956 
I was given treatments by the Rife Frequency instrument by Or. James 
i. Cduche.H.D. which stopped the flow of pus and cured my sarcoma 
as diagnosed by Dr. Worthylake.H.D. and others by biopsy. 

The Frequency Instrument was such a wonderful 
Godsend. It saved my life! It has been twelve years now since 1t 
cured my cancer and I give this statement under pienalty of perjury 
as being true and correct. 



STATE OF CALIFORNIA) 

COUNTY OF SAN DIEGO) 

Subscribed and Sworn to 
before me this 16th day 



of January, 1968 



LUCILLE GROTZ _ 
COUNTY OF SAN DIEGO 
NOTARY PUBLIC 



ATTEST my hand this 16th day of 



January, 1968 



^^^X BLANCHE H. JOItJS 1n pre 



1n pro per 



166 



Appendix X 




167 



Publisher's Note 



The evidence set out in this book suggests that certain in - 
viduals misused the power of the American Medical Associa- 
tion, several decades ago to help suppress the work of Roy a 
Rife. This is not to imply, however, that the AMA today wouia 
allow itself to be similarly abused. The vast majority of doctors 
and surgeons who make up this body are dedicated individual 
of the highest integrity, who have committed themselves dn 
their energies to the saving of lives and the relief of pam- 
honor them, and we are confident that the AMA will retie 
that same dedication by endorsing author Lynes' call to re- 
examine Rife's cancer cure in an unbiased light.